Journal Publishing Volume V (Full Text)

VOLUME V/005/4/2013
ISSN (Online) 8480-9469; ISSN (Print) 2085-5737
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TONTEMBOANESEVERB CLAUSE SUBJECT IDENTITY
by
Leika Maria Veronica Kalangi
Sam Ratulangi University
leikamvk@yahoo.com

Abstract

The verb clause is a syntactic construction composed of one element that is categorized as a predicate verb and one or several other companion elements that function as subject, object, complement, and/or adjunct. Although general studies of the elements of the verb clause in the Tontemboan language have been undertaken by Adriani and Adriani (1908), Rombepayung et al. (1976/1977), Tambuwun (1986), Rattu et al. (1993) and several other researchers, specific research on the subject element of the verb clause has not been conducted in detail. This study aims to describe the verb clause subject’s identity in Tontemboan in terms of typological and grammatical markers.
Keywords: subject’s identity, verb clause, Tontemboan language

I. Introduction
Tontemboanese is used as a tool of communication by a group of ethnic Minahasa in the Minahasa Regency of North Sulawesi province in Indonesia. Tontemboanese continues to be the first language for family and social interaction in Tontemboan society, although the number of speakers is decreasing, particularly among Tontemboan youth.
The recent decrease in the number of speakers and the diminished usage of the language may be attributed to the attenuated process of linguistic inheritance through the generations and the massive influence of Manado Malay as the lingua franca of North Sulawesi province; there is some concern that Tontemboanese may vanish. The establishment of efforts through research or formal and informal education for Tontemboanese (and for other native languages of the Minahasa) is therefore urgently needed to preserve Tontemboanese, the linguistic cultural treasure of Tontemboan society.
Many linguistic studies must be conducted regarding Tontemboanese. One of the critical linguistic tasks to perform regarding syntax is the analysis of simple sentence and clause elements.
These elements may be analyzed, specifically and comprehensively, at three levels of syntax, i.e., (I) function, (II) category, and (III) role (Verhaar, 1982:70, 71; 2001:162,163). When the analytical process begins at the function level, the formal elements of the sentence or clause are the subject, predicate, and complement (Alwi, 1998: 313).
If the analysis begins at the category level, the formal elements of the sentence or clause are the noun, verb, adjective, adverb, preposition, etc. If the analysis begins at the role level, the elements are the agent, object, receiver, active, passive, etc. (Purwo, 1985: 3).
Recently, certain branches of modern linguistics have tended to analyze syntactic elements as part of a semantics approach based on their roles. Moreover, followers of these linguistic branches believe that the meaning of the language elements is the foundation of the linguistic analysis (Tampubolon, 1987:3-4), which has been explained in many recent syntactic theories, such as Tagmemic Structure, Transformational Structure, Generative Semantics theory, Verb Valence theory, Case Structure, Lexical Structure, and Functional Structure (Kridalaksana, 976: 34-42; Samsuri, 1991: 327-350; Ba’Dulu, 2005: 66, 77, 90-111; Dik, 1981: 69-84).
In general linguistics theory, every language has a set of syntactic elements and semantics that correspond to a universal deep structure, such that the theoretical assumptions may be generally applied to any language, including Tontemboanese.
According to the Semantics Generative and Case Structure theories, the syntactic structure is consistent with the semantic and logical structures. Syntactic structure is timelessly bound between predicate and the argument in a proposition. The predicate is categorized as a verb, its argument is categorized as a noun (Kridalaksana, 1976: 35-39), and the relation among these elements forms a semantic structure.
An issue in syntactic study is the method of analyzing the structure of the sentence or clause elements. Formally, the structure of the basic sentence or clause consists of subject, predicate, with or without object, complement, and adverb. However, this research will focus only on verb clause subject identity in Tontemboanese and is based on the recent syntactic theory framework and the descriptive observations found in the data.
This research focuses upon the following questions: (1) what are the formal characteristics of the verb clause in Tontemboanese? And (2) what is the verb clause subject identity in Tontemboanese from the aspect of syntactic typology and grammatical rules?

II. Theoretical Framework
II.1 The Verb Clause Characters
In the Linguistics Dictionary, "verb clause" is defined as a syntactic construction with a predicate that contains a verb or verb clause, and these may be transitive and intransitive. Transitive verb clauses can be expressed in passive and active constructions (Kridalaksana, 1982: 86, 87; Ramlan, 2001: 130; Ba’Dulu, 2005: 56).
According to Alwi (1998: 91--93), the following are the four types of verb clauses; (1) single-transitive verb clause, which is a predicate followed by a single noun or noun phrase as object; (2) a multi-transitive verb clause, which is a predicate followed by multiple nouns or noun phrases as object;(3) a semi-transitive verb clause, which is a predicate followed by a noun as object optionally; and (4) an intransitive verb clause, which is a predicate followed by elements of a noun or nominal phrase that functions as a complement or adverb (compare Verhaar 2001: 163,165; Ramlan, 2001). Ramlan posited that an intransitive verb clause can be followed by a verb or a number.

II.2 Verb Clause Subject Identity
     In syntactic theory, clause elements of a so-called ‘subject ‘occur before the predicate, which is often called a ‘theme’ or ‘topic’ or ‘focus’, as in ‘rema-theme’, ‘comment-topic’, and ‘verb-focus’ analysis. Some linguists avoid using such terms. Modern linguistic streams that merged into the Generative Transformational Structure theory prefer the semantic category terms to the functional terms (Kridalaksana 1982: 43,145,165; Purwo 1984: 242--247; Parera 1988: 135--138; Chaer 1994: 263; Verhaar 2001: 165).
     In traditional structures, the subject is defined as a constituent that represents (i) the central theme, (ii) a given predicate (the truth of the argument), and (iii) the agent. Related to this formulation, Halliday (1985:32-35) differentiated the terminology of ‘subject’ as (i) the logical subject(the actor),(ii) the grammatical subject(the ordinary subject),and (iii) the psychological subject(as theme).
     However, in the context of language that is alive and natural, the constituent is hardly able to be interpreted as a subject, as classified by Halliday, in the formation of changeable elements (e.g., passive or active).The actor filled the function in the clause as the representation of a process, an active agent, and a participant who conducted the activity; the subject is a function in the clause as the element that guarantees the efficacy of the clause in its particular function of speech, i.e., the theme functioning in the clause as news, as the essence, and as the starting point of the discussion.
     From the perspective of common grammar, the grammatical subject is often identified by category. In Tagmemic structure (Pike & Pike, 1977), the slot or tagmeme of the subject can only be filled by the noun category. In Transformational Grammar, the verb clause subject is filled by the NP (Noun Phrase) category. Conversely, the grammatical subject in Relational Grammar is identified as term1 (first syllable) in the relationship of the predicate-verb in an active construction, which becomes chômeur (loses function) if transferred to a passive construction (Perlmutter in Purwo 1985:21, 22).
     Considering the typology perspective and grammatical rules, simple-subject sentences, such as those in English, have a dominant tendency to occupy the initial position. Moreover, according to Purwo (1985:6), the gerund form (suffix– ing) and certain infinitive verbs may represent the subject of the sentence, such as in the following:
    a. Walking is a healthy exercise.
    b. To walk is a healthy exercise.

     In Indonesian syntax, the subject of a simple sentence can be identified based on intonation characteristics and its position in the linear structure. Ramlan (2001: 80-82) formulated the subject in Indonesian as an intonation characteristic in affirmative sentences with a pattern of ([2] 3 //), whereas its predicate characteristic is a pattern of ([2] 3 1 #) or ([2] 3 #) if the predicate element ends with a word that has the vowel /? /(pepet) as the second syllable from the end. Conversely, the subject position in a simple Indonesian sentence or clause can be determined structurally to be located before the predicate or in an inverse position after the predicate (Alwi 1998: 37, 326-328).
     According to Sugono (1986: 37-47), the other characteristics of subject identity in a simple Indonesian sentence structure are the following: (1) It answers the question of what or who, (2) It can be added to the word ‘itu’, (3) It can be preceded by the word ‘bahwa’, (4) It is not preceded by a preposition, and (5) It is in the form of a noun category or noun phrase. In “Indonesian Standard Structure”, the prepositional phrase and verb phrase can function as grammatical subject (Alwi, 1998:163, 333; compare Purwo, 1985: 5-11; Ramlan, 1981: 73, 74; Verhaar, 2001: 167).
     Grammatical subjects in German, English, and Indonesian differ from those in inflected languages, such as Latin. A subject in an inflected language is only recognized from its morpheme's formative process as a noun or pronoun in nominative cases, regardless of the word's sequencing in the internal structure of the sentence (See Robins, 1992: 290). Conversely, in the Philippine language family, a grammatical subject can be recognized by its grammatical sign in the form of the determiner ‘ang’ with a certain noun (see Purwo, 1994: 11; Verhaar, 2001: 168, 261; Chaer, 1984: 263-264).
     According to Greenberg (in Sudaryanto 1983a: 27), the general verb clause structure of all languages has the subject (S) element placed as in the following word-sequence patterns in a transitive-verb clause structures: SVO, OVS, VSO, OSV, VOS, and SOV. The place of S is not determined solely by the dominant pattern; it is also determined by the opportunity for movement according to permutation methods available in the language (see Song, 2001:2).

III. Research Method
III.1 Method
     The method utilized in this research was explanative-descriptive, a combination of the naturalistic descriptive and mentalistic explanative methodologies (see Tampubolon, PELLBA I, 1987). In linguistic and art science qualitative research, the combination of methods known as the descriptive-expository approach is common (see Aminuddin, 1990:167).
     Sudaryanto (1988a:62) stated that the descriptive method in language analysis suggests that if the research were conducted solely in pursuit of empirical facts or phenomena embodied in the speakers or in the written language, the research product resembles a portrait that presents the facts as observed. There are weaknesses in this approach, such as the devaluation of the data because it comes from an utterance performance, whereas the linguistic intuitive competency is absent (see Tampubolon, in PELLBA l, 1987; compare Ba’Dulu 2005:14-16, 25-29). To alleviate the weaknesses of the descriptive method, Chomsky (1965: 30-39) suggests combining it with the explanative method.

III.2 Type of Data and Data Collection Techniques
     There were two types of data that were collected in this research. First, verbal data were taken from the utterances of native speakers by observing, interviewing, taking notes and recording (Sudaryanto 1988; and Mahsun 2007). Second, written data were from the library or were in the form of a text corpus. These data are often considered to be the results of utterances without speakers (see Mahsun 2007: 92, 93). Written documents reflect how a language was used in the past; thus, it must be verified to synchronize its language usage (compare Sudaryanto 1988: 23; also Samarin 1988: 77-112).

III.3 Data Analysis Technique
     In identifying the verb clause subject element of Tontemboanese syntactically, the Immediate Constituent Analysis (ICA) technique was used (see Boey 1975: 43-49; Sudaryanto in Purwo 1994: 57-63).
     In describing the identity of the verb clause subject comprehensively, techniques such as changing, sign reading, and paraphrasing were used, as suggested by Sudaryanto (Purwo 1994: 64-70); Mahsun 2007: 117-122), within a syntactic theory framework (Aminuddin 1990: 26-41).

III.4 Source of Data and Informant Criterion
     In obtaining accurate and representative data from native Tontemboanese speakers, informants with high competency who use the language actively were required from a homogeneous society. There were five informants utilized as representatives in this study.
     The following criteria were required from informants: (1) He/she had to possess complete organs for speech, (2) He/she had to have high competency in the language and good linguistic performance, (3) He/she had to have wide knowledge about the environment and society, (4) He/she had to be at least 40 years of age, and (5) He/she had to only rarely leave the village (Samarin 1988: 42-70).

IV. Data Analysis
     As the research problem, two things must be described in this part: (1) the characteristics of Tontemboanese verb clauses and (2) the identity of verb clause subjects in Tontemboanese.
The verb clause characters of Tontemboanese
    The following types of verb clause may be identified from an evaluation of the predicate-verb of a Tontemboanese verb clause: (1) the single-verb clause, (2) the multi-verb clause, and 3) the intransitive-verb clause.
     Based on the theories and research method discussed above, Tontemboanese verb clauses may be analyzed as follows. A single-verb clause consists of center element in the form of predicate-verb with a noun function as its object. The element maybe identified in a passive test. Inthe process, the element can function as S, and the S element may instead chomeur and become Pl or loses its function (Perlmutter in Purwo, 1985: 22). Thus, the verb clause of Tontemboanese as a single-verb clause is shown in (1-9a) and (1-9b).

(1) a. si Casuruan nimemaq i laŋit wo in tanaq
         ‘God created sky and earth’
     b. ə laŋit wo ən tanaq niəmaq i Casuruan
         ‘Sky and earth were created by God’
 
(2) a. se tow am bawo in tanaq makiqitkəq iŋ kasaleqanNa
         ‘Everyone on earth follows His will’
     b. əŋ kasaleqanNa pakiqitəne tow am bawo in tanaq
         ‘His will is followed by everyone on earth’

(3) a. aku lumoqoreqim baleku
         ‘I will repair my house’
     b. əm baleku loqorənkupeq
         ‘My house will be repaired by me’

(4) a. se pamawale wəru meqein tatamberera a si  walian   waŋkoq
         ‘The married couple gives their alms to the big leader’
      b. ən tatamberera iweqee pamale wəru a si walian waŋkoq
         ‘Their alms were given by the married couple to the big leader’

(5) a. sera makaereo əsa toyaqaŋ tuama
         ‘They have had a boy’
      b. əsa toyaqaŋ tuama pakaereanerao
         ‘A boy was had by them‘

(6) a. si asumu mǝŋaasu si cokoq lakaqku
         ‘Your dog often hunts my rooster’
      b. si cokoq lakaqku pǝŋaasuǝn i asumu
         ‘My rooster is often hunted by your dog’

(7) a. ico niməŋaindose cokoqku karapi in taqan
          ‘You have often snared my chicken’
     b. se cokoqku pinəŋaindonnu karapi in taqan
         ‘My chicken has often been snared by you’

     The examples in construction (a) are single-verb clause because there is only one object of the predicate-verb, i.e., the NP i laŋit wo ən tanaq (‘earth and sky’)for construction (1a),the NP iŋ kasaleqan Na (‘His will’) for construction (2a),the NP im baleku (‘my house’) for construction (3a), the NP in tatamberera(‘their alms’) for construction (4a) and Pron (i) cami ‘we’, and the NP əsa toyaqaŋ tuama(‘a boy’) for construction (5a)and construction (6a).In the passive, the NP as the object is denoted with the article’s " in (1a) to (1b).
     The NP as the object is denoted with article in (2a) to (2b). The NP as the object is denoted with the article im in (3a) to (3b). The NP as the object is denoted with the article in (4a) to (4b). The NP as object preceded by a number or the article si will not transform. As a transitive verb clause, all active objects in the construction (1-7a) transform into thesubjects in the passive construction (1-7b).
Other examples:

(8) a. kamu mapatayangkəqiaku a se empoku
          ‘You kept me away from my parents-in-law’
      b. iaku papatayangkəqiow a se empoku
          ‘I was kept away from my parents-in-law by you’

(9) a. aku tumambiŋ ico im pukǝt anioq
         ‘I knit this net for you’
      b. ico tambiŋǝnku im pukǝt anioq
          ‘This net is knit by me for you’

(10) a. si itoq mapaemaq isia ǝsa londey
           ‘Uncle makes him a boat’
        b. isia papaemaqen i itoq ǝsa londey
            ‘A boat is made by uncle for him’

(11) a.  kamu mapaalimai icamiaŋ kapəlasan iasa.
            ‘You bring us to come to this wide plain’
       b. icami ipaalimiowaiaŋ kapəlasan iasa
           ‘We are brought to come to this wide plain by you’

(12) a. kami mapaalimai icamu in tande rowar
           ‘We bring you maize’
        b. icamu papaalinaiamiin tande rowar
            ‘You are brought maize by us’

(13) a. si tou itu tumuruk isera a si raqaera
           ‘The man delivers them to their aunt’
        b. isera turukǝn i itow itu a si raqana
            ‘They are delivered by the man to their aunt’

     Verb clause construction in (8-13a) shows that the object filled by the pronoun category, will experience no transformation in the passive process as (8-13b). However, from these characteristics, all construction shaves the multi-verb clause with a three valence predicate-verb. According to traditional grammar, a multi-verb clause is a clause with two objects, a direct object and an indirect object. Adjunct (A), as part of a prepositional phrase, is understood as an indirect object because the element can indirectly be the subject in passive construction. It is supported by transformational grammar because the element can function structurally as an object, particularly if the element's role is dative. In dative movement transformation (see Purwo, 1985: 25), the element can be direct object thus it can be promoted as subject.
    The following verb clause constructions are not transitive verbs because the constituent cannot be promoted as the subject in the passive construction. Therefore, passive constructions of (14-18b) below are not grammatically a verb-clause construction.

(15) a. si Vany wo si Yansen maqayareq i nunuwaqan e Tontembowan
           ‘Vany and Yansen are learning Tontemboanese structure’
        b. *ə nunuwuqan e Tontemboan paqayarəneq i Vany wo si Yansen
            ‘Tontemboanese structure is being learned by Vany and Yansen’

(16) a. Se Yahudi maəntoq a si əndo kumapitu
           ‘The Jews rest on the seventh day’
        b. *si əndo kumapitu paəntoqən e Yahudi
            ‘On the seventh day a rest is taken by the Jews’

(17) a. sera tumumpa-mioq an Tumpaqan
           ‘They go down (downwards) at Tumpaan’
        b. *ən Tumpaqan tumpaqan-ioq-era
            ‘Tumpaan is gone down (downwards) by them’

(18) a. siWolayməroso am boqso
           ‘That monkey has fallen in that hole’
        b. *əm boqsopərosan i Wolay
            ‘That hole has been fallen into by that monkey’

       Verb Clause Subject Identity of Tontemboanese (T)
     There are two dominant characteristics in identifying the verb clause subject in Tontemboanese:(1) typological sign and (2) grammatical sign.
      Typology Tontemboanese Verb Clause Subject Identity
     Inrecent syntax typology theory, the formation of the element is V and O. However, by adding the S element, six formation patterns will formas (1) SVO, (2) VSO, (3) VOS, (4) SOV, (5) OSV, and (6) OVS (Greenberg in Sudaryanto, 1983: 27 and Keraf, 1990: 105-108).
     Although Greenberg in Keraf (1990: 105,106) considers S to be an obligatory criterion typology sequence of the sentence (clause),the slot is not stated as the object (O) to the predicate-verb or the P to the O slot. Based on the sequences by Greenberg, the S slot may be in the initial, middle or final position of VO or OV.
     Based on the data, Tontemboanese tend to have the VO type. By adding the S element to the VO type and through the cycle permutation test, the S slot in Tontemboanese follows the Greenberg typology.
     The S slot can be placed beforethe VO in SVO, after the VO in VOS, and between the VO in VSO (see the construction in (1-14a)). If all constituents function as S, then Scan be moved after O. Look at the italicized constituents in the following constructions (19-27a, b):

(19) a. si Casuruan nimemaq i laŋit wo in tanaq
           ‘God created sky and earth’
        b. ə laŋit wo ən tanaq niəmaq i Casuruan
            ‘Sky and earth were created by God’

(20) a. se tow am bawo in tanaq makiqitkəqiŋ kasaleqanNa
           ‘Everybody onearth only follows His will’
        b. makiqitkəqiŋ kasaleqanNa se tow am bawo in tanaq
            ‘Everybody on earth follows only His will’

(21) a. aku lumoqoreq im baleku
           ‘I will repair my house’
        b. lumoqoreq im baleku aku
            ‘I will repair my house’

(22) a. komuwit im popoq anioq a si raqa
           ‘You bring this coconut to aunt’
        b. muwit im popoq anioq a si raqako
            ‘You bring this coconut to aunt’

(23) a. siamailək im baya-wayaaŋkayobaqan anioq.
           ‘He sees everything on this earth’
        b. mailək im baya-wayaaŋkayobaqan anioqsia
            ‘He sees everything on this earth’   

(24) a. kamumapaalimaiicamiaŋkapəlasaniasa.
           ‘You bring us here on the wide plain’
        b. mapaalimaiicamiaŋkapəlasaniasakamu.
            ‘You bring us here on the wide plain’

(25) a. kamisumepa iŋ kamaŋNasusur in əndo
           ‘We receive His blessing everyday’
        b. sumepa iŋ kamaŋNasusur in əndokami
            ‘We receive His blessing everyday’

(26) a. kita in towmaere-erekəq iŋ kasiyaqan wo in sisiriqan.
           ‘We only seek for wealth and honor’
        b. maere-erekəq iŋ kasiyaqan wo in sisiriqankita in tow.
            ‘We only seek for wealth and honor’

(27) a. seramakaereo əsa toyaqaŋ tuama
            ‘They have had a baby’
        b. makaereo əsa toyaqaŋ tuama sera
            ‘They have had a baby’

     Those constructions offer a chance to move the S between V-O, althoughsuch permutations are rare in formal Tontemboanese structure. The S slot in the VSO type in Tontemboanese is more pragmatic and depends on the speaker's context. However, this construction is illustrated in the following examples (28-36a, b);
  
(28) a. si Casuruan nimemaq i laŋit wo in tanaq
           ‘God created sky and earth’
        b. ə laŋit wo ən tanaq niəmaq i Casuruan
            ‘Sky and earth were created by God’

(29) a. se tow am bawo in tanaq makiqitkəqiŋ kasaleqanNa
           ‘Everybody on earth only follows His will’
        b. makiqitkəqiŋ kasaleqanNa se tow am bawo in tanaq
            ‘Everybody on earth follows only His will’

(30) a. akulumoqoreq im baleku
           ‘I will repair my house’
        b. lumoqoreq im baleku aku
            ‘I will repair my house’

(31)  a. komuwit im popoq anioq a si raqa
            ‘You bring this coconut to aunt’
         b. muwit im popoq anioq a si raqako
             ‘You bring this coconut to aunt’

(32) a. siamailək im baya-wayaaŋkayobaqan anioq.
            ‘He sees everything on this earth’
        b. mailək im baya-wayaaŋkayobaqan anioqsia
            ‘He sees everything on this earth’   

(33) a. kamumapaalimaiicamiaŋkapəlasaniasa.
           ‘You bring us here on the wide plain’
        b. mapaalimaiicamiaŋkapəlasaniasakamu.
            ‘You bring us here on the wide plain’

(34) a. kamisumepa iŋ kamaŋNasusur in əndo
           ‘We receive His blessing everyday’
        b. sumepa iŋ kamaŋNasusur in əndokami
            ‘We receive His blessing everyday’

(35) a. kita in towmaere-erekəq iŋ kasiyaqan wo in sisiriqan.
           ‘We seek only wealth and honor’
        b. maere-erekəq iŋ kasiyaqan wo in sisiriqankita in tow.
            ‘We seek only wealth and honor’

(36) a. seramakaereo əsa toyaqaŋ tuama
           ‘They have had a boy’
        b. makaereo əsa toyaqaŋ tuama sera
            ‘They have had a baby’

     Verb Clause Subject Identity in Tontemboanese Grammatically Signed
     By category, the primary characteristic of S and O in the active construction as shown is filled by a noun or pronoun. However, as secondary characteristic, S and O are denoted by an article si (for single) or se (for plural) before N.
     This type of signing would be confusing for unskilled researchers in defining the S and O of the VOS or VSO syntax. However, if the signing process is based on the passive construction, the sign si transforms into i, and se into e, the researcher will know that it is able to become i. If the sign is untransformed, it is not the S sign.
     The following italicized NP examples in constructions (37-42) illustrate the foregoing.

(37) a. tumuwuŋsi Mo-koo si Americo
           ‘Americo punches Mo-koo’
        b. si Mo-kootuwuŋəniAmerico
            ‘Mo-koo is punched by Americo’

(38) a. tuməpisi cakaq si inaq
           ‘Mother whips sister’
        b. si cakaqtəpianiinaq
            ‘Sister is whipped by mother’

(39) a. muwak si Y si X
           ‘X lie to Y’
        b. si Y uwakəni X
            ‘Y is lied to by X’

(40) a. məŋaasu se kokoq se asu
           ‘The dogs often chase the chicken’
        b. se kokokpəŋaasuəne asu
            ‘The chicken is often chased by the dogs’

(41) a. suməraqse səraqtəkek se səraqwaŋkər
           ‘Big fish guide small fish’
        b. se səraqtəkeksəraqənesəraqwaŋkər
            ‘Small fish are guided by big fish’

(42) a. məwali-walise makiqit-kiqitse pakiqi-kiqitən a  lalankarondoran
           ‘The leaders take the followers into the way of the truth’
        b. se makiqit-kiqitpəwali-waline pakiqi-kiqitən a lalankarondoran
            ‘The followers are taken by the leaders into the way of the truth’

     Subject (S) identity in the verb clause of Tontemboanese might generate ambiguity if observed from the category of role, particularly in the VOS / POS and VSO/ PSO types. However, the passive construction reveals the verb clause subject position.
     In the passive construction, the S element (noun) will transform into Pl, and the S element (pronoun) will transform into an enclitic in the form of the predicate-verb. Nevertheless, the grammatical form of article si in the NP will transform into preposition i, and the article sɛ is transformed into preposition i. The pronoun (i) aku will transform into the enclitic-ku, the pronoun (i) co will transform into the enclitic-(N)u, the pronoun(i)sia will transform into the enclitic-(N)a, the pronoun (i) cami will transform into the enclitic-ami, the pronoun(i)cita will transform into the enclitic-ta, the pronoun(i)camu will transform into the enclitics -(N)iow, and the pronoun(i)sɛra will transform into the enclitic-ɛra. All transformation scan grammatically show an identity sign as shown in the active-passive constructions.
     S and O in the pronoun form of the active construction are also denoted by adding the article i before the category. If the pronoun is transformed into the enclitic i in the predicate-verb passive construction, then the pronoun is the S sign. If it untransformed, then it is the O element.
    The following pronouns are in active constructions (43-49a) and are compared to pronouns inthe passive constructions (43-49b).

(43) a. iakutalosmaupusico
           ‘I love you so much’
        b. icotalospaupusəŋku
            ‘You are loved so much by me’

(44) a. icoraqicamasaleqiaku
           ‘You do not like me’
        b. iakuraqicaicasaleqnu
            ‘I was not loved by you’

(45) a. isialumowiricami
           ‘He saves us’
        b. icamilowirən-na
            ‘We were saved by him’

(46) a. icamiureoməqəntoqicamu
           ‘We have waited for you’
        b. icamuureopəqəntoqən-ami
            ‘We have waited for you’

(47) a. icitasumemboŋisera
           ‘We help them’
        b. iserasemboŋən-ta
            ‘They are helped by us’

(48) a. i camumasuqutoi cami
            ‘You have hated us’
        b. icamipasuqutəno-niow
            ‘wewere hated by you’

(49) a. iseramanere-nereisia
           ‘They search for him’
        b. isiapanere-neren-era
            ‘He is searched for by them’

     There are NP subjects in passive constructions that are denoted with the article ǝN (ǝ, ǝm, ǝn, ǝŋ). If the article occurs as an attribute in the phrase, then the article is the S sign. The article is the result of the transformation of articles iN (i, im, in, iŋ), which functioned as an O sign in the active constructions.
     The following sentences are the transformations of the article i N (i, im, in, iŋ) in active constructions (50-57a) to ǝN (ǝ, ǝm, ǝn, ǝŋ)in passive constructions (50-57b).

(50) a. si bas Iwan lumoqoreq im bale-ami
           ‘Iwan the carpenter is repairing our house’
        b. əm bale-amiloqorəneq i bas Iwan
            ‘Our house is being repaired by Iwan the carpenter’

(51) a. sekatanaqkumaupuqoin tande-era
           ‘My neighbors are plucking their maize’
        b. ən tande-erapaupuqəno e katanaqku
            ‘Their maize are being plucked by my neighbors’

(52) a. akumaŋepeqtumoŋkeyiŋ kayu
           ‘I will cut that wood’
        b. əŋ kayumaŋepeqtoŋkeyəŋku
            ‘That wood will be cut by me’

(53) a. komapaemaqi londey (torona) si amaŋu
           ‘You make that boat for your father’
        b. ə londeypapaemaqən-nu (torona) si amaŋu
            ‘That boat is made for your father by you’

(54) a. siatumələskaqiim pukətwawaŋkəran
           ‘He buys another larger net again’
        b. əmpukətwawaŋkərantələsən-nakaqi
            ‘Another larger net is bought by him again’

(55) a. kami mioqpeqtumərokiñciŋke am Benaŋ
           ‘We sell that clove in Wenang (Manado)’
        b. əñciŋkemioqpeqtərokən-ami am Benaŋ
            ‘That clove is sold by us in Wenang (Manado)’

(56) a. kamumemaqpeqiŋ kureqwalina
           ‘You make another tempayang’
        b. əŋkureqwalinaemaqəneq-miow
            ‘Another water jar is made by you’

(57) a. sera lumoqoreq ə lalan e Suluqun
           ‘They are improving the road of Suluun resident’
        b. əlalan e Suluqunloqorəneq-era
            ‘The road of Sulu`un resident is being improved by them’
  
     Apparently, there are certain grammatical forms that can function as S and O signs in the passive construction, including the articles si and s? (which form the NP), and the pronouns(i)aku, (i)co, i)sia, (i)cami, (i)cita, (i)cita, and (i)sɛra.
     If the passive process occurs in the form of the article si transforming into i and sɛ transforming into the ɛ preposition, the pronoun (i)aku transforms into the enclitic -ku, the pronoun (i)co transforms into the enclitic-(N)u, the pronoun(i)sia transforms into the enclitic-(N)as, the pronoun(i) cami transforms into the enclitic-ami, the pronoun (i)cita transforms into enclitic-ta, the pronoun (i)camu transforms into the enclitic-(N)iow, and the pronoun (i)sɛra transforms into the enclitic ɛra; thus, all the transformations will denote the S identity in the verb clause structure as shown in the constructions of (43-49a, b) above.
     In addition to the S signs, there are other grammatical forms, such asə (N), that is ə, əm, ən, and əŋ, that act as the transformation of i(N), i.e.,i, im, in, iŋ, as shown in the active-passive constructions (50-57 a, b). Therefore, the grammatical forms from the grammatical elements occur in the passive construction are considered as secondary characters in defining the S identity in the Tontemboanese verb clause construction.

V. Conclusion
     Previous explanations indicated that the Tontemboanese verb clause can be differentiated as (i) a single-transitive verb clause, as shown in constructions 1-7 above; (ii) a multi-transitive verb clause, as shown in constructions 8-14 above; and (iii) an intransitive verb clause, as shown in constructions 15-18above. The Tontemboanese verb clause subject identity may be perceived from two aspects of the grammar. First, it may be identified from its syntactic typology, as shown in constructions 19-36 above. Second, it may be identified from its grammatical sign through the passive construction, as shown in constructions 37-57.
     This research has uncovered the verb clause subject identity of Tontemboanese. However, further research is required in the semantics of the verb clause subject because the relationship between verb and noun forms the semantics structure. In fact, the verb clause subject slot, whether transitive or intransitive, may be filled by cases or roles as in Case Structure theory and by subjects semantically in Functional Structure Syntax theory.

References
Adriani, N en M.L.Adriani. 1908. Hoofdstrukken Uit de Spraakkunst van het  Tontemboansch. Indie’s Gravenhage, Martinus Nijhoof.
Adriani, M. – Gunning. 1907. Koekoea An Ta’ar Oere Wo N Ta’ar Weroe. Leiden: Pakepelan i Firma P. W. M. Trap.
Alwi, H. dkk. 1998. Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.
Aminuddin. 1990. Pengembangan Penelitian Kualitatif dalam Bidang Bahasa dan Sastra. Malang: Yayasan Asih Asah Asuh (Y A 3 Malang).
Ba’dulu, A.M. dan Herman. 2005. Morfosintaksis. Penerbit Rineka Jakarta.
Dik, S. C. 1981. Functional Grammar. Foris Dordrecht.
Halliday, M.A.K. 1985. An Introduction to Functional Grammar. London: Edward Arnold Ltd.
Jung, J.S. 2001. Linguistic Typology, Morphology and Syntax. London: Longmen Linguistics Library.
Keraf, G. 1990. Linguistik Bandingan Tipologis. Jakarta: PT Gramedia.
Kridalaksana, H. 1976. “Deskripsi Sintaksis Bedasarkan Semantik” Artikel dalam Pengajaran Bahasa Dan Sastra  Tahun II  No.2. Hal.34-42 Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan Jakarta.
Kridalaksana, H. 1982. Kamus Linguistik. Jakarta: PT Gramedia.
Perlmutter, D.M. 1980. “Relational Grammar.” Syntax and Semantics, Vol. 13. New York: Academic Press.
Pike, K.L. & E.G. Pike. 1977. Grammatical Analysis. Arlington: University of Texas and Summer Institute of Linguistics.
Purwo, B.K. (ed.) 1985. Untaian Teori Sintaksis 1970-1980-an. Jakarta: Penerbit Arcan.
Purwo, B.K. 1987. “Pasif Berbagai Bahasa dan Bahasa Indonesia”. MLI: Bacaan Linguistik Nomor 32 Januari 1987.
Purwo, B.K.. 1994. Penelitian Bahasa Austronesia: Ke Arah Kerja Sama antara Linguistik Deskriptif dan Komparatif. (Makalah Simposium Internasional Kajian Budaya Austronesia I di Kuta, Bali, 14—16 Agustus 1994).
Ramlan, M. 2001. Ilmu Bahasa Indonesia, Sintaksis. Yogyakarta: CV. Karyono.
Rattu, A.B.G. dkk. 1993. Morfologi dan Sintaksis Bahasa Tontemboan. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.
Robins, R.H. 1992. Linguitik Umum: Sebuah Pengantar. (Edisi terjemahan Seri ILDEP).Yogyakarta: Penerbit Kanisius.
Rombepayung, J. dkk. 1976/1977. Struktur Bahasa Tontemboan. Menado: Proyek Penelitian Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah Sulawesi Utara. Laporan Penelitian Kanwil P dan K Propinsi Sulawesi Utara.
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Verhaar, J.W.M. 2001. Asas-Asas Linguistik Umum. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press
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Field study : Law
THE LEGAL PROBLEM OF THE REMEDY OF CIVIL FORFEITURE IN CRIMINAL CORRUPTION CASES
ADENSI TIMOMOR

Abstract

The remedy of civil forfeiture in corruption cases was established because under certain circumstances, criminal law is inadequate to recoup the state’s financial losses. However, the principles of civil forfeiture cannot be applied or implemented without more concrete rules that can achieve legal certainty. This purpose of this research was to review and reveal the problems of civil forfeiture as an asset recovery effort. This research was conducted using both the conceptual approach and the approach of the legislation. The research was normative in nature and used data sources such as legal documents and academic literature. The results of the research show that although Law No. 31 of 1999 and Law No. 20 of 2001 on Corruption Eradication provide a legal construct, civil forfeiture is still a voluntary method of recovering state assets. This means there is no special mechanism or technical method of civil procedure specifically stating that returning assets under the existing common law of civil procedure that handles dispute between private parties is the basic method to use in civil assets forfeiture cases.

Keywords: civil forfeiture, asset, corruption

I. Introduction
     As set forth in the preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, reducing corruption must be a priority in order to eliminate the distractions and obstacles that hinder national development and impede the achievement of the state. In 1945 (hereinafter referred to as UUD NRI 1945), the Indonesian constitution provided for the general welfare, the protection of the law, the intellectual life of the nation and participation in the establishment of world order. Corruption offenses cause the state to suffer huge losses that damage the state and contribute to driving the Indonesian economy into the abyss of adversity. Such offenses also have a direct effect on various crises, particularly the economic crisis and the crisis of confidence.
     Efforts to eradicate corruption have focused on both prevention and enforcement. Indonesia’s first anti-corruption legislation was passed in 1971 as Corruption Eradication. The current anti-corruption legislation was enacted as Law No. 31 of 1999 and Law No. 20 of 2001 on the Eradication of Corruption (hereinafter referred to as UU Tipikor).
     As a substantive matter, the law on corruption eradication is continually improving and being refined. Structurally, corruption-eradication efforts have involved establishing and optimizing the performance of functions given to institutions such as the Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) for that purpose.

II. The Relationship of Regulations and Institutions to Criminal Acts of Corruption
     The establishment of regulations and institutions that optimize the eradication of corruption is neither an instrument nor a powerful legal tool to suppress deviant behavior and realize the intentions of the founders of the state. Anti-corruption regulations and institutions do not have enough power to take action against lawbreakers, resulting in even higher losses to the state.
     KPK data sources from a variety of projects state that corruption related to the procurement of goods and services is valued at between Rp 647 billion and 1.9 trillion, or 94 percent of the state’s total losses related to corruption; corruption related to price bubbles has resulted in losses of Rp 41.3 billion, or 6 percent of the state’s total losses related to corruption. The average value of a corruption-related loss is 35 percent of the total value of a project budget, for a total of  Rp 1.9 trillion.
     A survey of the public by the integrity commission sector, which was conducted some time ago, noted that more and more public officials are becoming entangled in corruption cases. Between 2004 and 2012, 332 public officials were accused of corruption. Official corruption by high-ranking individuals made up the second largest category of corruption cases (106 people involved), followed by acts of corruption committed by private employees (69), members of Parliament/Council (up to 65), and mayors and regents (31). In addition, governors have been accused of corruption (8 people), along with judges (6), prosecutors (2), heads of institutions and ministries (6), ambassadors (4), commissioners (7), and others (31).
     An International Corruption Watch (ICW) report has explained that there are three major sectors that have caused the country to lose large amounts of money due to corruption. First, corruption in the government investment sector has caused state losses of up to Rp 439 million. Second, corruption in the local financial sector caused state losses of up to Rp 417.4 billion. Third, corruption in the social sector, in which cases involve funds intended for the community, is estimated to cause losses of Rp 299 million. Based on the place where corruption has occurred and the institutions involved in corruption, the state’s greatest losses have been caused by the district levels of government agencies (i.e., district government), with 64 cases. The second-greatest losses have been caused by institutional municipalities (i.e., local government) with 56 cases, and the final category of losses has been caused by provincial government, with 23 cases. The country’s losses caused by corruption in the regency are USD $657.7 billion, corruption in state agencies causes losses of Rp 249.4 billion and Rp 88.1 million. In the state with the highest rate of corruption, where institutions at all levels of district government are involved in corruption, there are 264 cases. Institutionally, corruption has occurred under the auspices of city government (local administration), with 56 cases. Finally, provincial government ranks last, with 23 cases. The country’s losses caused by corruption in the regency were Rp 657.7 billion, state agencies caused losses of Rp 249.4 billion, and local government caused losses of Rp 88.1 billion.
     The sociological reason for state asset recovery efforts is the existence of state losses due to corruption. Fleming has argued that there is no internationally agreed-upon definition of asset recovery. He has suggested that asset recovery occurs when perpetrators have the proceeds of their crimes revoked, seized, and removed. Thus, there are three elements of asset recovery: first, Fleming’s notion of asset recovery as revocation, seizure, and removal; second, the idea that a revoked, seized, or removed benefit is the result of a criminal act; and third, the argument that revocation, seizure, and removal ensures that criminals cannot use the proceeds and benefits of their criminal acts as the means to commit other crimes.
     Asset recovery is an effort to ensure that criminals cannot “enjoy” the fruit of their misdeeds. It works to seize certain goods obtained in or produced by a crime (Article 10, in conjunction with Article 39 of the Criminal Code) and confiscate property that the defendant cannot prove was not obtained by corruption (Article 38 of Law No. 31 of 1999, Act No. 20 of 2001), in addition to staples of criminal punishment such as imprisonment and fines. In addition, the defendant is also obligated to pay compensation equivalent to the financial loss that his act caused to the state (Article 18(1) of Law No. 31 of 1999, Act No. 20 of 2001).
     In addition to the provisions of the criminal law, asset recovery is also possible through a civil action pursued by the state (i.e., a civil forfeiture proceeding). Law No. 31 of 1999 and Act No. 20 of 2001 provide 6 (six) procedures and/or remedies related to the return of state assets, 5 (five) of which involve civil proceedings and 1 (one) of which involves additional offenses, namely, that the criminal must make a payment, in addition to any amounts reimbursed, derived as much as possible from property obtained through criminal acts of corruption as defined in Article 18(1) (b) of UU Tipikor. Additionally, the state may file various types of civil suits, including the following: a civil suit for the return of state assets after an investigation that has not found sufficient evidence to convict, as defined in Article 32(1) of UU Tipikor; a civil suit after acquittal where the state has suffered substantially no loss, as defined in Article 32(2) of UU Tipikor; a civil suit when the suspect has deceased at the time of the investigation, but the state has obviously suffered no loss, as defined in Article 33 of UU Tipikor; a civil suit when the accused died during trial, where there has been a real loss to the state as defined in Article 34 of UU Tipikor; and a civil suit against a defendant who has been found guilty of corruption, but the property that allegedly was obtained through the corruption has not been turned over to the state as defined in Article 38 C of UU Tipikor.
     The state files a civil lawsuit in an attempt to fight corruption because the norms of criminal law are not adequate to recover the state’s financial losses under certain circumstances. Such principles cannot be applied or implemented in a simple fashion. Rather, they need more a more concrete or technical structure, without which the rule of law may lose its value. This conclusion is related to Manullang’s work, which has concluded that the value of the rule of law is closely related to the instruments of positive law and the role of the state in actualizing the positive law. Moreover, the role of the state also touches matters related to responsibility for executing and enforcing the law. Using a civil suit to effect recovery of state assets has both advantages and disadvantages. For that reason, researchers reviewed the legal construction of civil asset forfeiture, which favors the return of the fruits of corruption, through a study that aims to locate and assess problems related to civil asset forfeiture as a means of requiring corruption defendants to return state assets.

III. Research Methodology
1. Research Approach
     This study used both a conceptual approach and the approach used by the legislation in conducting research and assessing both civil asset forfeiture legislation and the law related to corruption based on theories of civil and criminal law.

2. Type of Research
     The research was conducted by studying legal documents to find concepts, theories, doctrines, laws, and rules of international law related to the repayment of state assets in corruption cases.

3. Data Sources
     The research was normative (doctrinal). Accordingly, it used secondary data that consisted of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials.

IV. Discussion
     The positive law of Indonesia related to the eradication of corruption is embodied in Law No. 31 of 1999 and Law No. 20 of 2001 on the Eradication of Corruption. The second of those laws sets forth the policy of the criminal law with respect to asset ownership. Additionally, it provides that the perpetrators of corruption are may be pursued through 2 (two) avenues of criminal law and that a civil lawsuit (a civil procedure) may be filed. The corruption-eradication law essentially adheres to the principle that the civil law may attempt to effect asset recovery following a binding court decision after which no further efforts may be undertaken by the criminal law (as set forth in Sections 259-269 of the Criminal Procedure Code), which limits the court’s ability to maximize the return of state assets.
     The principles of the 2003 Convention against Corruption, which Indonesia ratified in 2006, ​​refer to the use of civil remedies for asset recovery, although in principle the Convention does not provide a concrete mechanism for obtaining the return of assets through civil forfeiture, civil procedure or the civil law generally. Article 51 of the Convention against Corruption states that the Convention’s provision regarding the possibility of criminal charges and civil lawsuits to affect the return of assets acquired through acts of corruption may be implemented by the parties to the Convention simply by facilitating that provision in accordance with their national laws.
     Greenberg has argued that the purpose of a civil legal action is similar to that of criminal law; i.e., those who commit illegal acts should not be allowed to profit there from. The proceeds of crime should be confiscated and used to compensate the victim, whether that victim is an individual or the state. In addition, a civil action operates to deter law-breakers. In sum, an appropriate civil action ensures that ill-gotten assets will not be used for further criminal purposes and also serves as a deterrent.
     Civil actions arising out of corruption cases are to be based on the civil action and on a conditional principle. The latter principle means that a civil action may not be filed in every case of corruption, but instead is limited to certain conditions. In addition, the principle of a civil action for this type of corruption involves expense to the state. This principle suggests that a civil action does not cover all types of corruption that are set out in the Corruption Act. Rather, a civil action is limited to corruption that has caused the state to suffer financial loss, as provided by Article 2(1) and Article 3 of the Law on Anti-Corruption. Finally, the principle of a civil action complements a derivative procedure. The provisions of Section 38C of Corruption Act allow civil suits filed ​​specifically for the purpose of remedying corruption that has not involved the appropriation of state funds.
     In reality, the Anti-Corruption Act’s provisions related to civil actions ensure that if one of five enumerated conditions does not apply, then a civil suit may not be filed. The Corruption Act does not prohibit civil actions related to the “abolition of authority demanding criminal” and “termination of the investigation or prosecution”, as stipulated in Articles 77, 109(2) and 140(2)(a) of the Criminal Procedure Code. However, the Corruption Act does not require the state to refer to the principle of legality or state that if the principle of legality is inapplicable, a civil suit cannot be filed. This results in minimal use of the civil asset recovery process.
     In addition to the issue of the Anti-Corruption Act, the civil procedural law of Indonesia (HIR/Rbg) has different characteristics than does civil forfeiture as practiced in other countries, such as the United States. Civil forfeiture essentially does not require the plaintiff to prove the elements of a criminal offense (i.e., personal culpability). Instead, the plaintiff need only sufficiently prove the existence of probable cause or a suspicion that the assets being sued are related to a criminal offense. The plaintiff sufficiently proves by standard formal proof that a crime has occurred and that the asset was produced by, used in or involved with the criminal act. The asset owner must then prove to the same standards that the assets sued were not the result of, used in or associated with a criminal act.
     In the United States, a civil lawsuit against assets is conceptualized by the legal term in rem, which means”an action against the thing”. Enforcement is against the user or owner, not the perpetrators. Deprivation in rem, also referred to as the deprivation of civil assets (civil forfeiture), confiscation without conviction (non-conviction based forfeiture), or seizure objective (objective forfeiture), is an action that is directed against the asset itself, not against an individual person. The United States has used forfeiture in rem since 1776 to empower the state to take action against narcotics sales through asset seizure.
     The in rem concept is unknown in Indonesian civil forfeiture proceedings. An examination of the legal provisions of the Anti-Corruption Act shows the use of this alternative path only when a criminal proceeding can no longer be used in seeking the return of assets related to a single act of corruption. The State Attorney files a civil suit to obtain asset recovery only if there is no criminal-law attempt to do so. Should the state have the right to a civil action against the alleged property as wealth acquired at the state’s expense in spite of a final court ruling of either acquittal or onslaag vrispracht? The state does have such a right. However, lawyers for the State Attorney interpret the civil forfeiture procedure as intended to implement the philosophy of restorative justice by imposing sanctions that restore state assets and use them for the welfare of the community.
     In addition to the above problems, the use of a civil action for the return of state assets is hampered by the fact that the relevant provisions of the Indonesian law of civil procedure (Het Herziene Indonesisch Reglement/HIR and Rechtsreglement buitengewesten/Rbg) are primarily associated with foreclosure. Indonesian civil procedure law does not recognize the concept of sequestration foreclosure, which can only be requested when a case is heard so that foreclosures may be conducted before the trial court. This contrasts with the concept of seizure in criminal law, in which investigators may act to take over and control movable or immovable, tangible or intangible assets for the purposes of obtaining evidence and assisting the prosecution and the judiciary.
     Foreclosure has different purposes under the criminal and civil laws. Confiscation guarantees are made ​​to the plaintiff’s property that is being held by the defendant or any other person/third party to ensure that the plaintiff (applicant) receives the correct material; the proceeding ends with delivery (levying) of the confiscated objects. Confiscation is implemented to guarantee a plaintiff’s interests based on the court’s grant of that plaintiff's request in the complaint for guaranteed rights, whereas a foreclosure (arrest, beslag) is a preparatory action to ensure implementation of a civil-court decision.
     Foreclosure is not possible without application to the court under HIR/Rbg. It is associated with the filing of a civil lawsuit to return assets related to a corruption case. This condition is very risky when applied in cases of corruption. Thus, it can be said that the rules of procedure for filing a civil suit for the refund of state assets in corruption cases do not accommodate special interests and the extraordinary showing required in civil matters related to compensation and the return of state assets.
     The mechanisms of proof in a civil lawsuit that follows Indonesian civil procedure require a plaintiff to prove the claim. However, no clear principles regarding the burden of proof have been articulated in corruption-related civil actions. The principle that should be adopted is that the defendant must prove that the property is not the proceeds of corruption. This distinction should provide a reason for promulgating legal regulations of civil procedure specifically for use in corruption cases.

V. Conclusion
     The use of civil forfeiture in asset recovery is one manifestation of restorative justice in corruption cases. However, the use of civil forfeiture in Indonesia has not been accompanied by a more comprehensive and concrete arrangement, and so it is still subject to legal uncertainty in its implementation.
     More specifically, it is necessary to make arrangements for concrete and comprehensive civil-law principles and procedures to use in lawsuits seeking the return of state assets. To realize restorative justice in handling corruption is to restore the country’s wealth because national wealth is the right of all Indonesian people and is to be used for the benefit of Indonesia and its people.

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Student expectations of the English Language Learning of the Regional English Language Training Center: A study from student and teacher perspectives
By
Jenny Hilda Pakasi

Abstract

In recent years, more emphasis has been given on the role of the learner in the language learning process considering that language learning is primarily learner’s oriented matters which include learners’ expectations to be considered for effective language learning and teaching to take place. One significant area where learners’ expectations influence their learning can be seen in student expectation in English learning of the integrated skills courses (Listening, reading, speaking and writing skills). A qualitative research was used in this study to answer research questions using the Expectation Disconfirmation Paradigm by Paterson (1993). The study aims to acquire an understanding of the student expectations of integrated skills (listening, reading, speaking, writing),  language teaching methodologies, as well as the consequences of student expectations (met, unmet, over-met expectations). Regarding, integrated skills the study shows although reading and listening  skills received good responses, being able to communicate in English well is the most immediate goals, while grammar and vocabulary which help improve their writing should be given priority. In regard to language teaching methodology a variety of methodologies were deemed necessary to be included in the classroom particularly contextual teaching and learning and the communicative language teaching approach. Concerning the fulfilled and over fulfilled expectations the study shows  positive responses such as increasing motivation, developing great trust in the institution, feeling personally rewarded, feeling happy, satisfied and confident, while for the unfulfilled expectations, this study shows not only negative psychological changes such as discouraged, depressed, disappointed and having lack of confident, but also challenges such as studying harder and finding other solution..

Keywords: student expectations, English integrated skills, teaching methodology, fulfilled, unfulfilled

I. Background
     Generally when learners come to study English at a language center, they come with a variety of expectations such as job requirements, higher degree study, career development, traveling abroad, improving English competence, and being able to participate in international workshops and seminars. Furthermore, the present trend of global economics and multiculturalism in many societies has made English a highly popular course of study in the world (Penny Cook, 1984), and this can be seen in the number of students who want to learn English at the English Language Center (ELTC) of Sam Ratulangi University, which increased from the year 2007 (137 students), 2008 (184 students), and 2009 (534 students) as stated in the ELTC yearly report (2010).  As a result there has been a corresponding increase in the demand for academic support services at ELTC, particularly in areas of language support.  Consequently, the language center should orient its services to customers’ satisfaction, if not the language center might lose its customers. In this case it is the ethical responsibility of ELTC to tailor teaching to the needs of the customers based on student expectations by making appropriate adjustment to course contents, and methodology.
    Bordia et al. (2006) conducted a research in Australia on student expectations of TESOL programs, particularly focused on language contents and methodology. Students were from EFL (English as a foreign language) countries such as Taiwan, Japan, Korea, Indonesia, Thailand, and Colombia. The responses show that students and teachers are aware of the existence of student expectations, and the outcomes of negative disconfirmation. The results show that lack of fulfillment of student expectations can lead to negative behavioral performance. Moreover, Bordia et al. (2006) found that “grammar” is not the favored skill by most of TESOL students as taught extensively in home countries of China, Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, and Japan.
     A great number of research studies in language teaching and learning have been conducted in an attempt to find solutions for the failure (Dalglish, et al. 2002), Liando (2005), Marcellino (2008: 137), McCargar (1993), and Ibrahim (2000), and  a  number of solutions, both theoretical and practical, at the curriculum, teacher, student levels have been tried, but the problem remain. It is suspected that one of the reasons for student failures is that their expectations have not received sufficient attention.

Definitions of Expectation
     The definitions of expectations are used by scientists such in applied linguistic, health and business and others. For example, in Medical literature by a range of characteristics, such as post-operative care, time spent, technical quality care and anticipation of future symptoms in health care, and in business, product market research defines expectations as the level of efficiency of the product as noted by Bordia, et.al. (2006). Bordia, Wales, and Pittam, 2006:11 defined expectations as a construct that includes language content (skills and knowledge) and pedagogic (teaching and learning preferences). In other words expectations can be said as the anticipation of probable results in order to fulfill one’s needs and interests. For example in language learning, like customers, students want their language skills to provide concrete benefits such as obtaining job, pursuing further studies or easing communication, or students of English for academic purposes may expect to write academic essays in areas of specific interests.

The English Language Training Center (ELTC) of Sam Ratulangi University  
     English language training center is located in North Sulawesi, one of the provinces of Indonesia. ELTC, the only state English language center, plays a significant role in enhancing the learning of English in all parts of North Sulawesi. Sam Ratulangi University called UNSRAT is the only state university in Manado, has 18,056 students and 1.789 lecturers as stated in UNSRAT DALAM ANGKA (2011).  ELTC  is one of the university’s supporting units called UPT Bahasa (Technical Implementation Unit of Language) with a mission to support the university in implementing the Tridharma (teaching, researching, and public services) by catering to the quality of English language training both for university members and  member of the public or community. The general aim of ELTC is to improve the quality of human resources through enhancement of the quality of English, so that they are able to compete beyond the national job market. As a Language Technical Implemented Unit, ELTC supports the vision and mission of Sam Ratulangi University to be one of the best universities in Indonesia. Sam Ratulangi University has 11 faculties: Cultural Sciences, Social and Political Science, Law, Economics and Business, Engineering, Fisheries and Marine Science, Medicine, Animal Sciences, Agriculture, Natural Sciences, Public Health and the Post-graduate School.
     There are several different courses offered at ELTC such as TOEFL, presentation skills, and academic writing skills, academic reading skills, but the integrated skill program is the most favored by students. As seen in ELTC yearly reports, in 2007 there were 147 students enrolled in integrated skills while in TOEFL programs there were 115 students, in 2008 there were 134 students in integrated skills program and 53 students in TOEFL programs, in 2009 there were 99 students in TOEFL programs, while 414 students were in integrated skills programs, and   there were 21 students in presentation skill programs. ELTC presently provides three levels of integrated skills and each level takes 50 hour class meeting.

II. Research  Benefit
     The results of this study can be used to develop ELTC in-house materials that cater to students’ needs and expectations, and to be used as a reference to conduct deep research on classroom -based- research. The contribution of this study to second language acquisition demonstrates that concept of the unmet expectation does not necessarily mean dissatisfaction as stated by Paterson but can also be considered as challenges.  Individual differences and learning styles among learners in learning a second language/ foreign language should be taken into account.

III. Literature Reviews
     Every teacher or practitioner believes that when students come to the language center to study English, they bring their varieties of expectations. Students may have certain expectations or hopes about what the language program will offer them and how their English will be improved. Chan (1999) points out that students from different cultural contexts may hold similar learning expectations, and that teachers play a critical role in shaping student expectations and in determining students’ approaches to learning especially in learning a foreign language. In relation to this point, Tarone & Yule  ( 1989: 9)  note that the decisions on how to present the best learning experience for a group of students inevitably depend on the individual teacher’s ability to work out what those students appear to need, while also remaining aware of what they expect to happen in the learning situation. This indicates that teachers play a great role in finding out students’ learning needs, and that teachers should be aware of what students expect.
     There are many factors affecting student expectations, but in general, fulfillment of student expectations leads to satisfaction while unmet expectations can lead to dissatisfaction. Mullins et al. (1995) report that international students were more concerned with understanding expectations, rather than language per se, ranking “making oneself understood, understanding Australian speakers and understanding verbal instructions” which are considered  in the bottom half of the list. Mullins et al. (1995: 229) state that students experience both stress and   frustration when their expectations are not met and they do not have the skills or experience to address the problems that consequently arise. Lack of language proficiency according to Li, Baker and Marshall  (2002: 1) is one of the main reasons international students experience a mismatch between expectations and experiences, causing an “expectation violation” and a negative impact on attitude about teaching and learning. Bordia et al. (2006) investigate the antecedents of student expectations and the consequences of unmet expectations. The results show that the precursors of expectation development as educational and career advancement as well as socio-cultural value. Unmet expectations lead to negative psychological behavioral and learning related effects. In other words the consequences of the unmet expectations are stress, frustration, and negative impact on language learning, negative psychological behavior and learning related behavior, language learning problems as well as lack of language proficiency. The impacts of unmet expectations are stress and frustration and when someone is stressed according to Krashen (1985), no learning occurs and this can lead to dropping out of the class.
     Concerning the integrated skills, Joseph (1984) states that, based on a philosophy which views the skills of reading, writing, and speaking in an interdisciplinary manner, this nontraditional approach is an attempt to improve the weaknesses of earlier programs by proceeding from sound theory and conclusive research. Thus, developmental instruction based on an integrated skills approach, allows the learners to concentrate first on ocracy —listening and speaking— and then on the more complex skills of literacy —reading and writing—. This approach, which takes the learner "back to the beginning," is based on the knowledge that oral language is at the base of reading and writing (Shaughnessy, 1977, cited by Joseph 1984). Joseph further states that a language-skills program provides the student with an opportunity to develop a broad range of communication competencies. This growth provides a broad base for the future and helps the underprepared student to become more competent in communication skills. Thus, the potential for being more successful in regular college-level courses may be increased.
     Driven by the relevant literature of ELT and Computer Assisted Language Learning (CALL), Aykut, Arslan (2008) argue that integration of language skills in a holistic way and the technology as the enabler can facilitate learners in obtaining the knowledge of the language and the knowledge of how to use the language appropriately in communicative situations.
     A variety of language teaching methodologies were used in the integrated skills program, and among them  are cooperative learning which is a part of teaching methodology that offers principles and techniques for helping students work together more efficiently, for example group work (Jacobs  Power, and Loh 2002: 2), Communicative Language Teaching (CLT) which puts the focus on the learner. Learners’ communicative needs provide a framework for elaborating program goals in terms of functional competence, The essence of CLT is the engagement of learners in communication to allow them to develop their communicative competence (Savigon 2002: 3),  Behaviorist approach regards all behavior as a response to a stimulus. They assume that what we do is determined by the environment we are in, which provides stimuli to which we respond to, and by the environments we have been in, in the past, which caused us to learn to respond to stimuli in particular ways, (Skinner 1957 in Hammer 2009), traditional approach focuses on grammatical rules, memorization of vocabulary, and of various declensions (grammar) and conjunctions, translation of texts, and doing written exercises. (Prator and Celce-Murcia 1979, in Brown 1993), Eclecticism involves the use of a variety of language learning activities, each of which may have very different characteristics and may be motivated by different underlying assumptions, (Larsen-Freeman 2000 and Mellow 2000). A basic assumption of cognitive methodology, that meaningful learning is essential to language acquisition, and that conscious knowledge of grammar is important, (Hadley 1993). Contextual Teaching and Learning (CTL) is a system of instruction based on the philosophy that students learn when they see meaning in academic material, and in schoolwork, when they connect new information with prior knowledge and their own experience (Johnson et. al.  2001, Johnson, Elaine, B. 2001).

IV. Theoretical Framework
Theoretical framework used, can be drawn from the followings.
1. The theory of expectations on language learning, which are defined as a construct that includes language contents (skills and knowledge) and pedagogic (teaching and learning) preferences by Bordia, Wales, Pittam, (2006: 11), the theory of language learning concerning integrated skills by Joseph (1984); and Davies & Pearse (2002); 3) Theories on language teaching methodologies by (Johnson, Elaine, B. 2001) (Jacobs, Power, and Loh 2002: 2), (Savigon 2002: 3), (Larsen-Freeman 2000 and Mellow 2000), (Skinner 1957 in Hammer 2009), (Prator and Celce-Murcia 1979, in Brown 1993).

2. Overall, the main theoretical perspective employed in this research is the expectation disconfirmation paradigm by Paterson, (1993). Disconfirmation paradigm was adopted from a customer expectations’ theory, which is called the expectation disconfirmation paradigm (see figure 1 below, adopted from Paterson, 1993) as cited by Bordia   et al. (2006: 12). This proposes that disconfirmation results from the interaction of the expectations and the experience of productive service, and the affects of satisfaction. Satisfaction depends upon the direction of the size of expectation disconfirmation. Expectation is confirmed when the product performs as expected, leading to satisfaction. It is negatively disconfirmed when performance is less than expected, leading to dissatisfaction. It is positively disconfirmed when performance is better than expected, leading to enhanced satisfaction (Bordia et.al 2006: 12). The following Figure 1 is the major theoretical framework  used in this study.

Negative Disconfirmation
          P˂E
Perceived
Confirmation
      P> E
Dissatisfaction
Expectation
        (E)
Satisfaction
Enhanced
 motivation
Positive Disconfirmation
      P> E

Figure 1. Expectations Disconfirmation Paradigm (Paterson, 1993, in Bordia, 2006: 12)

Research methodology

This study applies qualitative paradigms using structured questionnaires with open-ended questions and in-depth interviews. The aim of the questionnaire was to gather data from students and teachers on student expectations of the integrated skills courses offered by ELTC. Besides questionnaire, a qualitative interviewed was used to provide multiple evidence and to increase the validity of the data. The questionnaire with options is written in English with Indonesian translation. The interviewing of student participants was conducted to verify the returned questionnaire. To verify the data, the questionnaires were first pilot projected to several student participants and teacher participants before giving to all participants. This research was conducted on the campus of Sam Ratulangi University.  They were 41 student participants who once studied English integrated Skills and 7 English teachers (native, non-native) who teach or once taught English Integrated skills at the English Language Training Center Sam Ratulangi University. The teacher-participants consist of 2 native speakers, 5 senior permanent English teachers (1 PhD from Canada, 2 MA from Canada, 1 MA from USA, I MA from Indonesia) from the Faculty of Cultural Sciences of UNSRAT. The student -participants are from different faculties of UNSRAT who got free English courses sponsored by the university. Student-participants were 21 male and 20 female. Their ages ranged from 24 years up to 55 years old.
Research Findings

Expectations Related to Detailed Integrated Skills

    The following summary concerning  student expectations related to the language course contents of the English language programs, the integrated skills, provided by the ELTC. The integrated skills cover listening, reading, speaking, writing, as well as vocabulary, structure and pronunciation. Each skill has different language components or language activities that student participants are required to respond by putting a check in the option provided ( none, a little, reasonable, and a lot). A little has the same parameter as none, reasonable indicated positive responses.  Therefore, the higher the percentage, the more favorable the response is. A lot has the same interpretation as reasonable.
Figure 1, deals with the summary of the findings on the nature of student expectations concerning the detailed integrated-skills courses ( listening, speaking, reading and writing) elicited from  forty-one student participants.

Listening to formal conversations (88%)
Listening to informal conversations ( 85%)
Listening to academic short talks ( 83%)
Listening to music in English (83%)
Listening to authentic airport conversations (79%)
Listening to the radio in English (71%)

Integrated Skills

Speaking in class most of  the time  (84%)
Participating in  workshops/seminar s( 83%)
Speaking in everyday business situations   ( 81%)
Speaking in normal conversations (76%)
Speaking in  interview situations ( 71%)

Reading  a book for pleasure  (88%)
Reading for academic purposes (85%)
Reading newspapers ( 77%. )
Reading for additional reading ( 72%)
Reading  magazines ( 68%)
Reading pamphlets, books for information (68%)

Writing through vocabulary exercises  (83%)
Writing through grammar exercises  ( 83%)
Writing using different polite English(79%)
Writing a short description 78%)
Writing a short paragraph ( 71%)
Writing formal letters (71%)
Writing informal letters (62%)

Summary of the Findings of Student Expectations of the Integrated-Skills 

Source: questionnaire

This figure shows a summary of the results of the most preferred activities in the detailed integrated -skills courses offered by ELTC.   This study shows although reading and listening  skills received good responses, being able to communicate in English well seems the most immediate goals, while grammar and vocabulary which help improve their writing should be given priority. This summary supports the importance of integrated skills courses, as clearly seen in Figure 1  that most of language course components received  high score ranging from 88% -71%, in the a lot and reasonable options  and only one component writing informal letters  was rated at 62%. This shows that most components of the ELTC integrated skills programs listed, are worth being considered to be used as models of integrated-skills programs. The importance placed on grammar reinforces the view of traditional grammar as well as the cognitive approach on this subject. Concerning listening skills, the majority found listening is the most difficult; therefore, students expect more listening activities, particularly enjoyable listening activities in English as well as listening to formal and informal conversations.  This, in some way strengthens Krashen’s view of second language acquisition, Input Hypothesis that concerns building up competence by listening actively first until learners are ready to produce. 

Student expectations of language teaching methodologies

A variety of methodologies used in the integrated skill program presented in the following tables  are such as:  cooperative learning (CL),communicative approach (CA) communicative language teaching (CLT), cognitive approach(CT) contextual teaching and learning (CTL), eclectic methods (EM), language media,(LM) behaviorist and traditional   approach (BEV and Trad),

Like homework using video/newspaper (98%)  (CLT)
Talking with classmates (95%) ( CL, CTL)
Group work (95%)  ( CL, CTL)
Using mixed teaching methods  (95%) ( Eclectic)
Like homework using radios/newspaper (90%) (CTL)
Like study tour (90%) (CTL)
Try guessing answers (90%) ( CLT)
Using pair work (90%) (,CL, CTL)
Materials developed based on students’ needs (90%)  (CTL)
Learn English through songs (90%) ( C L, CLT).
Practice English outside class (88%) (CTL)
Learn English through games (88%) (C L, CLT)
Role play (87%) (CLT, CL)
Like studying in the library (85%)(, CLT)
To have a  friendly class ( 85%) (CLT)
Choosing my own group partners  (85%) (, CL, CTL)
When I am asked for my own opinion  (85%) (CTL)
Choosing class work on my own ( 83%) ( CL & CTL)
 I learn best with Indonesian explanations (58%) Bev & Trad)
I prefer EFL teachers to native speakers (56%) ( CA,)
I prefer working with the same gender (57%)
Language Teaching Methodologies

I learn best with strict teaching (82%)      (Bev &, Trad)
Teacher’s corrections on written work (81%) (Bev & Trad)
Teacher’s talk more than students ( 78%) Bev & Trad)
Learn best with immediate error correction    (77%) ( CTL)
Peer corrections on their writing work (75%) ( CL, CTL)
I prefer to study grammar ( 73%)  (Bev, Trad)
Learn best when people ask questions in class (71%) ( CTL)
I like to find answer on my own ( 71%) (CTL)
I learn best when people ask questions in class ( 70%) ( CTL)

Summary of the most expected language teaching methodologies
Source: data analysis

    This figure shows the summary from the most to the least favored teaching methodologies used in the integrated skills program at ELTC, ranging 98% - 57%. The results of the study indicate that contextual teaching and learning (15 times appear in the activities) was the most favored teaching methodologies followed by cooperative learning (8 times), communicative language teaching (7 times), the traditional approach (5 times), while the cognitive approach (1 time) as well as the eclecticism (1 time) were the least favored. The discussed findings show a variety of methodologies were deemed necessary to be included in the classroom particularly contextual teaching and learning, and communicative language teaching.   The majority of student participants expected that learning should be fun, and the teacher should create a good learning atmosphere to stimulate learning by using more authentic materials such as videos, games, and songs (as reinforcement of the points of the lesson) should be introduced in the class, and using the library for independent learning should be part of class activity.
Thus, it can be concluded that there is no dominant method; what works in one class is not guaranteed to work in another class. Besides, language learning should be formal and informal, enjoyable, and contextual. Moreover, teachers should encourage students to learn to be active, cooperative, innovative, creative, and effective. This indirectly reinforces sociolinguistics’ view in connection with various approaches in language teaching and learning.

The consequences of fulfilled/over-fulfilled and unfulfilled expectations

This figure deals with the summary of the findings concerning the consequences of unmet, met and over-met student expectations elicited from both student and teacher perspectives.
Outcomes
Increase motivation
Develop a great trust in the institution
Word-of mouth recommendation
Ready for the next challenges
Confident in use of English
Feeling proud to tell others
Become a source of publicity
Feeling  personal rewards
Happy, satisfied, confident, and more enthusiastic
Having opportunity to study abroad

Positive disconfirmation
(over met expectations)
Confirmation
((met expectations)
Negative disconfirmation
(unmet expectations)

Outcomes
Decrease motivation
Negative recommendations
Drop out, attendance decreased, less active in class
Blaming the institution
Disappointed , depressed, lack of confidence
-----------------------------------------------------
Independent study
Challenge to study much harder
Finding out other solutions
Challenge to ask the teacher
Trying to do other things to improve my English
Asking for extra help

Summary of the findings of the consequences of student expectations (the unmet, met and over-met expectations). Source: data analysis

In connection with the consequences of the unfulfilled expectations, the discussed findings show a variety of responses related to negative psychological changes, which support the findings by Bordia et al. (2006). However for some, the unfulfilled expectations mean a challenges, for instance some students said they could get extra work to overcome the problems or studying harder.  In terms of the consequences of met and over met expectations, the discussed findings indicate a variety of responses such as increasing motivation, developing great trust in the institution, feeling personally rewarded, feeling happy, satisfied, and confident. Thus, giving students the opportunity to pursue learning by considering their learning expectations will enhance their motivation as well as their involvement in what is to be learned.

Conclusion

The study results can be summed up the following: Concerning student expectations of detailed integrated skills, the discussed findings show that being able to communicate in English well is most students’ immediate goal, while grammar and vocabulary, which help improve their writing and other skills, should be given priority. Concerning listening skills, the majority found listening is the most difficult; therefore, students expect more listening activities, particularly enjoyable listening activities in English as well as listening to formal and informal conversations
In regard with student expectations of language teaching methodologies, the discussed findings show a variety of methodologies were deemed necessary to be included in the classroom particularly contextual teaching and learning, and communicative language teaching.   The majority of student participants expected that learning should be fun, and the teacher should create a good learning atmosphere to stimulate learning by using more authentic materials such as videos, games, and songs (as reinforcement of the points of the lesson) should be introduced in the class, and using the library for independent learning should be part of class activity. Thus, it can be concluded that there is no dominant method; what works in one class is not guaranteed to work in another class. Besides, language learning should be formal and informal, enjoyable, and contextual. Moreover, teachers should encourage students to learn to be active, cooperative, innovative, creative, and effective. This indirectly reinforces sociolinguistics’ view in connection with various approaches in language teaching and learning.
Regarding  the fulfilled and over fulfilled expectations the study shows  positive responses such as increasing motivation, developing great trust in the institution, feeling personally rewarded, feeling happy, satisfied and confident, while for the unfulfilled expectations  this study shows  not only negative psychological changes such as discouraged, depressed, disappointed and having lack of Thus, giving students the opportunity to pursue learning by considering their learning expectations will enhance their motivation as well as their involvement in what is to be learned.
In conclusion, the development of opportunities for successful English language use beyond those offered in the classroom itself should begin with identifying the learner’s expectations.
Selected References
Aykut, Arslan, 2008. Implementing a Holistic Teaching in Modern ELT     Classes: Using Technology and Integrating Four Skills. Published in: International Journal of Human Sciences, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2008): pp. 1-21.
Baker, T., Isaac M., Li, M. and Marshall, K. 2005. Language Learning Expectations of Different Ethnic groups. New Zealand Journal of Applied Business Research, Vol. 4.No.1.
Bordia, S., Wales L. Pittam J. and Gallois C., 2006. Students Expectations of TESOL Programs: Student and Teacher Perspectives.  Australian Review of Applied Linguistics, Vol. 29, Number 1. Monash University, Australia.
Bordia, S., Wales, M. L. & Pittam, J., 2006. The Role of Student expectations of TESOL: Opening a research agenda. TESOL in Context, 16(1), 10-17.
Brown, H.D., 1993. The Principles of Language Teaching and Learning. Third edition. San Francisco University. Prentice Hall Regents: Englewood Cliffs, NJ07632.
Chan, P. 1999. Comparing the learning behavior of Australian and Chinese university students in various situations. Paper presented at the Joint New Zealand Association for Research in Education (NZARE) and Australian Association for Research in Education (AARE) Conference, 29Novermber-2 December 1999, Melbourne, Australia.
Cook, V., 1993. Linguistics and Second language acquisition. St. Martin’s Press. New York

Davies, P., & Pearse, E., 2002. Success in English Teaching. Foreign Language Education Press. Shanghai

 Dalglish, D., 2002. Expectations and Reality – International Student Reflections on Studying in Australia. Brisbane 4001.

Freeman, D. Freeman, Y. 2000. Meeting the needs of the English language learners. Talking Points, 12, 2-7.
Gardner, Robert C. and Lambert, Wallace E., 1972. Attitudes and Motivation in Second Language Learning. Newbury House Publisher. Rowley, MA
Hadley, A.O., 1993. Teaching Language in Context. Heinle & Heinle Publishers. A Division of Wadsworth, Inc, Boston, Massachusetts.
Larsen, D & Freeman, 2000. Techniques and Principles in Language Teaching. Second Edition. Oxford University Press.

Ibrahim, A. I., 2000.  ESP at the Tertiary Level: Current Situation, Application and Expectation. English Language Department, Faculty of Education Alza’eem Alazhari University-mail: amdid@maktoob.com

Jacobs, G.M., & Power, M.A., Loh, W.L., 2002. The Teacher’s Sourcebook for cooperative learning: Practical techniques, basic principles, and frequently asked questions. Thousand Oaks, CA, Corwin Press.
Johnson, Elaine, B., 2001. Contextual Teaching and Learning: What it is and why it is here to Stay. Thousand Oaks, Corwin Press, Inc. California
Joseph, N., 1984. An Approach to Developmental Studies. Institution Lake City   Community Coll., Fla.
Krashen, S.D., 1985. The Input Hypothesis: Issues and Implications. Longman. London, New York.
Larsen, D & Freeman, 2000. Techniques and Principles in Language Teaching. Second Edition. Oxford University Press.
Liando, N.V.F., 2005. Motivation in EFL Context: Individual Attributes, Social Cultural Backgrounds, and Teachers’ Roles. (Dissertation). The University of Queensland. Australia.
Li, M. Baker, T. and Marshall, K., 2002. Mismatched Expectations: A case Study of Asian Students in New Zealand. New Zealand Journal of Applied Business Research.
Marcellino, M., 2008. English Language Teaching in Indonesia: A Continuous Challenge in Education and Culture Diversity. TEFLIN Journal Vol. 19 No.1 February 2008.
McCargar, D. F., 1993. Teacher & Student Role -Expectations: Cross Cultural Difficulties and Implications. The Modern Language Journal 77.
Mullins, G & Quintrell, N & Hancock, L., 1995. The Experiences of international and local students: three Australian universities”, Higher Education Research Development, vol.14, no.2, pp.2002-2031
Mellow, J. D., 2000. Western influences on indigenous language teaching. In J. Reyhner, J. Martin, L. Lockard, & W. Sakiestewa Gilbert (Eds.), Learn in beauty: Indigenous education for a new century (pp. 102-113). Flagstaff, AZ: Northern Arizona University. Available: http://jan.ucc.nau.edu/~jar/LIB/LIB9.html
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LANGUAGE AS WINDOW TO THE COMMUNITY WISDOM:
WHAT MALAY LANGUAGE TELLS US ABOUT CULTURAL DIFFERENCES AND THINKING PATTERNS?*

Lim Kim Hui**

Abstract

“To speak a language is to take on a world, a culture,” says Frantz Fanon. To understand a culture fully, one must therefore first be dedicated to learning its native language. Some people see language as a part of culture, which gives culture certain functions, whereas the others tend to see that there is no culture without language. Whatever it is, the relationship between language and culture cannot be separated. As it is influenced by culture, language hence reflects not only the history and cultural background of its people, but also their worldview, wisdom, styles of living and thinking patterns.

Keywords: community wisdom, Malay Language, cultural differences, thinking patterns

Cultural Reflection in Language:

Cultural Differences and Thinking Patterns

Language and culture are inter-related. The idea that different languages reflect different views of the world was developed in the 1930s by Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf. Their hypothesis that different languages embody different world view was seldom disputed, but their suggestion that different languages predispose their speakers towards different ways of thought has always been controversial. In his article, “Cultural Thought Patterns in Intercultural Education,” Kaplan reinforced the Whorfian view that each language imposes a world view on its users and indicates that different cultures have different ways of understanding language and writing styles. He also claimed that logic and rhetoric are culture-dependent. Kaplan wrote:

Logic (in the popular rather than the logician’s sense of the word) which is the basis of rhetoric, is evolved out of culture; it is not universal. Rhetoric, then, is not universal either, but varies from culture to culture and even from time to time within a given culture. It is affected by canons of taste within a given culture at a given time (1966: 2).

Cultural reflection can be generally seen from the use of language. Boas (1974) believes that there is a correlation between language and thought as the conciseness and clearness of thought of a people depend to a great extent upon their language. Whereas Bloomfield (1974) claims that the richness of culture is reflected by the richness of the language. Each language reflects its users’ particular needs and concerns. When the linguists talk about particular need on why certain ethnic groups need to develop certain group of vocabularies, the Eskimos’ many words of snow will always be cited. However, the Haunoo in the Philippines do not have to know about snow, but as farmers they need to know about earth, and their language enables them to distinguish between ten basic and 30 derivative types of soil (The Economist 2005).
Definitely, there are similarities and differences in thinking patterns as well between Easterners and Westerners if we look at their languages. Richard Nisbett (2004: 37) wrote in his work the Geography of Thought (2004) about the differences in thinking patterns between Asians and Westerners: “We would not expect that people whose social existence is based on harmony would develop a tradition of confrontation or debate” (p. 37). Based on Nisbett’s model, Ulrich Kühnen is convinced that humans in Asia and in the West think differently. The astonishing finding according to him was: No differences could be proven between West Europeans and North American as they seem to share many more similarities, either cognitively or psychologically. Whereas the results of respondents taken from different Asian nations as China, Japan, Korea and Malaysia show the similar trend (Heil 2004). Did the East-West differences emerge as the results of language and culture? Let us see how Malay language presents the notion of “mind” and the values (e.g. family values and religious values) that they cherish.

Aims of This Paper

In this paper, using the Malay language use as point of departure and by comparing it with several other languages, I will discuss and elucidate the characteristics of Malay language and how the Malay language illustrates cultural differences and thinking patterns. In order to unveil those similarities and differences, a few general yet pertinent questions related to language, logic and rhetoric were raised and discussed, viz. (i) Do we really have a universal mind; (ii) How language tells us about individualism and collectivism; and (iii) How the same language can be ideologically bounded and emotively segregated in two different nations. The following three sections will address these three issues one after the other.

Malay as Language of “Heart-Mind”: From Western Rationalism to Asian Humanism

What is the similarity between most Asian languages? The notion of “heart-mind” will obviously appear should we look into them. As compared to Western languages that connote the commonly defined rationality, Asian languages stress similarity in championing the humanism. Hence, if we look into the notion of “mind” in Asian languages like Chinese (xin 心), Korean (ma-eum 마음), Japanese (kokoro心, こころ), Malay-Indonesian (hati, budi) and Thai (jai ใจ), the “heart-mind” is definitely more dominant. Take Korean “ma-eum” for instance, according to Seelmann (2012), “Ma-um benennt jenes angeborene Zentrum spontaner menschlicher Regungen, das durch Kultivierung verfeinert werden kann. Es ist der Moral, der Empathie und der Einsicht fähig und steht in offener Beziehung zum Umfeld (Ma-eum designates every innate centre of spontaneous human emotions, which can be refined by cultivation. It’s the morality, empathy and the capability of insight and stands in open relationship with the environment).” Whereas kokoro, according to The New Nelson Japanese-English Character Dictionary (1997), can mean mind, spirit, mentality, idea, thought, heart, feeling, wholeheartedness, sincerity, sympathy; attention, interest, care, will, intention, taste, mood, and true meaning (of a poem)(p. 423). In English, it has always been translated as “heart and mind” or “heart-mind” as it is the centre of both emotive and cognitive sensitivity. However, such a translation will always lead us to think that kokoro is the combined function of two separate faculties, the affective and the cognitive (Kasulis 2005). Such a bifurcation unfortunately also represents the Western dichotomous thinking between emotion and cognition. Indeed, there is no single English word that can be used to capture the real essence of the term, as it sometimes connotes “spirit,” but it also refers to “mind,” “psyche” or “heart” at the other time under different context. In another occurrence, it might denote both heart and mind in combination. Generally, the word kokoro is used more or less like the Chinese word xin and covers almost the same range of references and meanings. According to Okumura (2006), kokoro, by extension, refers to “all human activities affecting the outside world through intention, emotion, and intellect; it has three basic meanings: the heart and its functions; mind and its functions; and centre, or essence.”
Besides heart, the Chinese word xin can also connote the meaning of mind. It is known as the centre of both human thought and feeling. Chinese philosophy maintains that the human heart is not only a physical organ, but also represents the spiritual dimension of human beings. It is not just one organ but “something that coordinates the work of all organs of thinking” (Zhang 2002: 391). Hansen (1991) called this Chinese xin as “heart-mind.” According to Dacidian <<大辞典>> (1985, Vol. 1), xin can means amongst others both heart and mind, like xin as referred to (1) “heart” as the human organ,xinzang 心脏;  (2) referring to thinking organ by the ancient folks (古人称思维的器官), i.e. of what we call the brain (大脑); and (3) the general term for thinking, desire, emotion etc. Indeed, the relationships between Chinese word xin and Buddhism are intact. Xin has an important spiritual and philosophical history that was used to translate the Buddhist scriptures for Sanskrit terms such as: citta, manas, and vijnana. According to Okumura (2006), in the Sarvastivadin view, these three terms were considered to be different names for basic mind. In Yogacara, though, citta refers to the alaya, or storehouse consciousness; while manas refers to the seventh consciousness, and vijnana refers to the function of the first six consciousnesses. These three words citta, manas, and vijnana are normally to be translated as “mind” in English. Another Sanskrit word, hrdaya, means the heart, centre, or essence. It is also rendered as xin (Okumura 2006).
In the contemporary Malay lexicography, there are two important terms that should be given priority in the study of Malay mind, viz. budi and hati which are inter-related and is embedded in the centre of Malay thinking (Lim 2003). The word ‘budi’ originated from the Sanskrit word ‘buddhi’, which means wisdom, understanding, or intellect. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary defines the meaning of buddhi as “the power of forming and retaining conceptions and general notions, intelligence, reason, intellect, mind, discernment, judgment…”(Monier-Williams 1956: 733). I believe that the Malay ancestors who have absorbed much of the Indian systems of thought due to the earlier contact with Buddhism and Hinduism might have developed the notion of the mind built on this ethical dimension and developed further to cover not only epistemological dimension (akal budi) but also ethical (hati budi, mengenang budi) and aesthetical dimension (budi bahasa, budi pekerti, budi bicara). Just as the Japanese word kokoro, which was taken from the Chinese xin, of which developed from the Pali’s notion of mind, its meanings have been extended to cover and to suit the local genius. So did the Malay budi. Budi, is not an ethical term per se but is the highest Malay conceptual construct that incorporates various entities, viz. emotion (as normally represented by hati), rationality (akal is generally known as the source of reason), good character (ethics) and ability (practicality)(Lim 2003). Budi now carries so many nuances of meanings in the Malay worldview and plays a pivotal role in every aspect of the Malay life. It can mean intellect as shown by the phrase akal budi, which means common sense or healthy mind. It can also carry the meaning of kindness or virtue. Commonly however, it can be denoted as moral behaviour or moral character/action like budi pekerti. It can also be understood as discretion or good judgement with flexibility as accorded to the use of akal (mind) and hati (feelings) and as reflected by budi bicara. Budi should also contribute to the aspect of practicality like budidaya. Pure “budi” nevertheless can be led astray if not guided by the ethical aspect of “budi.” It should be noted that “budi” can also mean “akal (dl arti kecerdikan menipu atau tipu daya) (Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia 1991: 150)” like bermain budi, “to deceive” by using the intelligence of mind. The Malay mind develops through a spectrum of akal budi and hati-budi which include “mind-emotion-moral-goodness-practicality” as their scales of decision-making. A wise person, budiman should be thoughtful, considerate (berhati perut, literally means has liver and stomach, normally means not cruel in decision), of good conduct and his/her decision should be an enlightened and practical one that helps society towards prosperity.

The “mind” is a Western construct and shall not be treated as denote the same meaning as kokoro, xin or budi when it is used. The development of science grounded in logic based on “reason” has made “mind” more authoritative in defining true or false in human endeavours. Anything deviates from the scrutiny of mind will be defined as irrational and emotional, hence unacceptable. To the Easterners, “reasonableness” is however more important than “reason.” Whereas “reason” is the product of logical thinking, “reasonableness” is the product of humanized thinking, where heart and mind will communicate and cooperate in order to settle for a better “reasonable” solution, and this “reasonableness” is what the Malay called “budi bicara.” In contrast to logic, argues Lin Yutang (1946: 7; first published in 1937), “there is common sense, or still better, the Spirit of Reasonableness.” Lin asserted that “a cultured man is one who understands thoroughly the human heart and the law of things” (Ibid.). Logic might be good in addressing certain technical or scientific problems, but “reason” as the product of logic alone is not enough to solve the human problems. Lin Yutang (1946) described the contrast nicely:

Humanized thinking is just reasonable thinking. The logical man is always self-righteous and therefore inhuman and therefore wrong, while the reasonable man suspects that perhaps he is wrong and is therefore always right [...]. The genial thinker is one who, after proceeding doggedly to prove a proposition by long-winded arguments, suddenly arrives at intuition, and by a flash of common sense annihilates his preceding arguments and admits that he is wrong. That is what I call humanized thinking (Ibid., pp. 7-8, italic in original).

Apart from budi, such feeling related to hati (heart) is always taken into consideration. It is generally believed and argued that the Malays think with their hati (Sibarani 1999). “Hati” literally means liver, an organ in humans or animals. It has always been translated as “heart” in English. When dealing with careful judgement, the Malays are in favour of using “heart (hati)” rather than mind as shown by the proverbs “berhati-hati”, which means “memberi perhatian (pertimbangan dsb) yang teliti (sewaktu melakukan sesuatu) [giving attention (judgement etc.) with care (when doing something)]” (Kamus Dewan 1986: 380). Sibarani (1999) argued that “berfikir terutama dalam dunia masyarakat timur tidak hanya menggunakan akal, rasio atau otak, tetapi juga harus menggunakan perasaan agar terdapat hasil, pemecahan, dan kebenaran yang sesungguhnya (to think especially in the Eastern world requires the use of not only the mind, rationality or brain, but also feelings in order to obtain results, solutions and the real truth).” The Malays use the word “hati” as shown by the words that they used such as memperhatikan, perhatian and berhati-hati, which contain the combination of mind and feelings. Memperhatikan and berhati-hati means to direct one’s eyes, thinking and feelings with concentration and caution.
The notion of “heart-mind” can also be seen from Thai culture. Peansiri Vongvipanond (1994) claimed that if frequency of occurrence can be taken as an indicator of the degree of attention and interest, Thai people seem to put more emphasis on their heart (jai ใจ ) than their head (hua หัว). Moore’s (1992) Heart Talk for example explored the Thai language use of jai or heart and recorded over 330 Heart Talk root phrases. There are as many as 743 individual jai phrases in the third edition of Heart Talk (Heaven Lake Press, 2006), over 200 more than in the second edition (Heaven Lake Press, 1998). Similarly with other main Asian languages like Chinese, Japanese and Malay, Thai words don’t make a clear distinction between heart and mind, as in English. At times the Thai jai is expressed as though the heart and mind were one. The word jai in Thai can means both “heart” and “mind.” For instance, to understand in Thai is kao jai which literally means to enter into one’s heart/mind. The early Malay civilisation was also very much influenced by Hinduism and Buddhism and if the same logic goes, then the Malay people can be said to have put more emphasis on their liver (hati)(160 entries as shown in the indexes of Abdullah Hussein 1966, 252 entries in the text) than their head (kepala). The similarities between the concept of xin in Chinese, jai in Thai, hati in Malay as we have seen above and kokoro in Japanese earlier give us an interesting picture of whether all these cultures and thinking share the same origin derived from Buddhism as contrasted to Western “monotheistic” rationality. Can we conclude that the nature of cultural differences and thinking patterns between the Easterners and Westerners are strongly related to the notion of “heart-mind” in the Asian languages as compared to the Western “mind”?

Malay as Language of Collective Politeness: Kinship Terms and Family Values

Generally, the notions of politeness and humbleness are still the rules of the communicative games of all human languages. However, Asian in general seems to define “politeness” more rigorously as they are more in favour of indirect communication. As Asian in general is basically a collective community, hence the notion of politeness in many Asian languages are also tied up to the family values and kinship terms. One of the ways that we can see the “politeness” among the Malay speakers for instance is through the use of honorific terms. According to Kridalaksana (1982: 14, cited in Abdul Chaer & Leonie Agustina 1995), the honorific terms (kata sapaan) in Malay-Indonesian language is divided into nine categories, namely (1) personal pronoun, i.e engkau and kamu (both can be translated as you in English), (2) the name of oneself (nama diri), such as Dika and Nita, (3) kinship (perkerabatan) terms, such as bapak (lit. father), ibu (lit. mother), kakak (lit. elder brother or sister in Indonesian, but only elder sister in Malay, whereas elder brother is known as abang in Malay) and adik (younger brother or sister), (4) title and rank, such as dokter, profesor, letnan, and kolonel (doctors, professors, lieutenants, and colonels), (5) nominal form of actor (pe + verb), like penonton, pendengar, dan peminat (viewers, listeners, and enthusiasts), (6) nominal form+ku (ku, lit. I/my/me/mine in English), like Tuhanku, bangsaku, and anakku (my Lord, my people, and my son), (7) deictic words, such as sini (here), situ (there), or di situ (there); (8) other nominal form like awak (lit. you or the crew), bung (like Mr.), and tuan (like sir in English), and (9) form of zero, without words. Out of these many categories mentioned, one of the interesting characters in many Asian languages is the use of the 3rd category, the kinship terms in addressing the interlocutors. The use of kinship terms shows that Asians, e.g. Chinese, Korean and Malay-Indonesian treat everybody in the society as part of a family. According to Chinese worldview, the importance of collectivism can actually be seen from the Chinese notion of country (guojia 国家) which connotes that a country in itself is a combination of many families. In Chinese language, where family titles are important, kinship terms are pretty common in addressing people on the streets who are totally stranger. Like Chinese, the existence of many forms of honorific terms, pronouns and the use of kinship terms in the Malay language shows that the Malay is highly in favour of collectivism and hierarchical culture, which stresses on the importance of age, seniority, social status, relationship and family-ties in speaking. However, in the process of history, the hierarchical aspect of honorific terms sometimes has also been challenged, diluted or changed. Nevertheless, the use of kinship terms to strangers remained or its meaning shifted.
The debates on what terms are less feudal as honorific terms (tuan/nyonya, bapak/ibu, saudara, bang, bung etc.) to address each other represent this eagerness in search for equality among Indonesian speakers (Edwar Djamaris 1982). In Indonesia, the logic is simple. Bahasa Indonesia is simply a language of freedom, freeing Indonesians from the mindset of Javanese aristocracy. Leaders such as Mohamad Yamin wanted a national language that would help bind together a disparate set of peoples with different ethnic and religious background, like Christian, Muslim, Buddhist and Hindu. In addition, they wanted to avoid the complexity of Javanese in which a speaker’s social position was always of paramount importance. These egalitarian principles were later expanded on by polymaths, the essayist and academic, such as Sutan Takdir Alisjahbana and Goenawan Mohamad, the founding editor of the news weekly Tempo (Karim Raslan 2010).
In Malay, Tuan/Puan is still being used, but mostly in a rather formal context. In Indonesian, the notions of Tuan/Puan however have been replaced by Bapak and Ibu to dilute the emotion attached to “Tuan” which is more feudalistic (Edwar Djamaris 1982). The use of Bapak and Ibu reflect on the closeness of Indonesian people to family or representing the collective mentality that can also strongly be seen in other Asian languages. The word “Encik” as used in Malaysia today is also originally family-based. Encik (“gentleman/ Mr.”) is actually a South Fujian Chinese loan-word for uncle, or paman in Indonesian (Kong 1987: 464), which reflects again the closeness of Malay speakers to family. Another family-related word is saudara/saudari. Saudara (for men) and saudari (for women) have also become more common and popular in Malaysia than tuan/puan to show the sense of brotherhood and sisterhood.
Like Chinese, the Malay and Korean for instance also carry the same sense of politeness related to family. Despite the existence of many pronouns in Malay language as compared to English, in real life, those pronouns are replaced by kinship terms. Due to respect and strong relations with family (as contrast to Western individuality), Asians prefer to use the informal titles in a formal setting. The misunderstanding of the respectful greeting words such as “pakcik (uncle)”, “makcik (auntie)”, “kakak (elder sister)”, “abang (elder brother)” etc. can sometimes cause conflict between interlocutors, for instance between customers and food-stall operators, which Abdullah Hassan (2007) considered as the ignorance of interlocutors for not using the standard language (bahasa baku) or high language (bahasa tinggi). Abdullah Hassan’s comments are relevant in referring to formal sector and professional setting, but seem to have taken language out of a bigger cultural context in referring to informal sector. Such situation is not happened only in Malay language setting. It is rather an Asian context of collectivism that treated everyone in the society as part of a big family. The same situation can be seen in Korean in the case of using kinship terms like ajumma/ ajeosi (auntie/uncle) or imo (aunt) in addressing the food-stall operators even though they just met for the first time. The Malay and Korean prefer kinship terms, which are more personal and intimate than the general pronouns in many daily situations. The choice of these more personal kinship terms depends on the respective age and gender of the two speakers, viz. Pak cik (with an elder man), mak cik (with an elder woman), adik (with a younger person), kakak (with an elder female person) and abang (with an elder male person). The tendency of using kinship terms in addressing the interlocutors represents the closeness of Malay community to the family. Like Malay, most of the time, Korean uses a person’s name, especially in the case of talking to someone younger than yourself. With people older than you, it is custom to use either a title or kinship term, like one of the following: 언니 (eonni, “older sister” if speaker is female), 누나 (nuna, “older sister” if speaker is male), 오빠 (oppa, “older brother” if speaker is female, can also refer to “boyfriend” or “husband” like the Malay terms “abang”), 형 (hyeong, “older brother” if speaker is male), 아줌마 (ajumma, “middle aged woman”), 아주머니 (ajumeoni, also “middle aged woman” but more polite), 아저씨 (ajeossi, “middle aged man”), 할머니 (halmeoni, “grandmother”) of 할아버지 (harabeoji, “grandfather”). In Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Malay and perhaps some other Southeast Asian languages, it is common to use kinship terms for people who are not family at all. This tendency of using kinship terms shows that Asians in general value collective culture as contrast to Western individualism.

Malay as Language of Islamism: Between Malay Islamism and Indonesian Secularism

Malay and Indonesian language are both the same language, but they have developed into two ideological different languages, one as Islamized language whereas the other remains secular. As Malay and Islam in general cannot be separated, Malay language hence has become Islamized. This happens not only in reference to this world (dunia) but also to the other world (akhirat), from birth to death and from Prophet to God. Many religion-related terminologies have been Islamized and restricted to the Muslims only. But this is not the case to Indonesian language. Indonesian remained as a secular language for all.
Language is basically sexist and ideological. It is very much shaped by culture. Its characteristics reflect the relationships of power between various groups and agents (i.e. gender, religions) within society. As Glenn (1997) puts it, “rhetoric always inscribes the relation of language and power at a particular moment” (p. 1). Holy language is sacred and therefore it is difficult to be explained by means of natural or ordinary language. For the Muslims, Arabic represents this holiness as it is the language of the Koran. Such holiness whether consciously or unconsciously colours and influences the choice of words of their believers and further widens the space between believers and non-believers (kafirs). One of the earliest thinkers who turned his attention to address the problems of discourse in cultural contexts was Mikhail Bakhtin (1896-1975). Bakhtin believed that language does not only reflect an objective world but also participates in constructing the world. When we engage in language, he believes, we are actually going into a process of constructing our world as speaking and writing are never neutral or value-free. For Islam, within the Malaysian context, the choice of words has created some kinds of distance between Muslims and kafirs and as a result created a dichotomous rhetoric of “we” against “you” and “Islam” against “the others.” With that background, Malay has eventually been shifted from a language for all into a language friendly only to the Muslims. Let us see how these biases and ideologies have been absorbed into the Malay language. There are many Malay words like “Allah versus Tuhan”, “Allahyarham versus mendiang”, “jenazah versus mayat”, “kubur versus jirat”, “nikah versus kahwin” and the like have created two groups of people due to their religious belief, Muslim and non-Muslim. Take the word “nikah” in Malay. It only refers to marriage among Muslims. The word “kahwin” that was used in Malaysia to mean “marriage” among non-Muslims is emotionally loaded. It can mean having sex without proper marriage (nikah). However, Indonesians use the word “nikah” more liberally. As long as a person has already married in regards of his/ her religion, the word “nikah” can be used. The concept of “territory” created by words is indeed very powerful. For example, lately, Malays use the word “kubur” in referring to the Muslims’ grave, whereas “jirat” is used for the non-Muslims’ grave. For example:

Ong berkata, tiada siapa yang mendiami rumah pusaka keluarganya itu tetapi setiap tahun, mereka sekeluarga – Toh bersama 11 anaknya – akan pulang ke kampung menziarahi jirat suaminya sempena Ching Ming, iaitu sambutan memperingati roh mengikut kepercayaan masyarakat Tionghua (Veena Rusli 2005).

Ong said nobody lives in her ancestor house but every year, the whole family – Toh with her 11 children – go back to their village to visit the jirat (the grave of non-Muslim) of her husband in conjunction with Ching Ming, which is a festival to remember the spirit according to the belief of Chinese society (Veena Rusli 2005, italic added).

Concluding Remarks

As a conclusion, we can basically conclude that language, thought and culture are things that cannot be separated as they are intertwined. As we know, Malay language generally reflects the cultural aspect of the Malay rhetoric, of what they prefer, feel, think or what they reject. In order to unravel the wisdom of the Malay, we should look at the cultural contexts and philosophical thought underlined the development of Malay language because “language is the archives of history”, to quote the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Without the understanding of the language of the native, any effort to trace its thinking will be a futile. But, understanding a language always needs a comparison to enlighten us on our own mother tongue. Without a comparison, we can’t really master the language of our own as Goethe has said: Wer fremde Sprachen nicht kennt, weiß nichts von seiner eigenen (Those who know no foreign language knows nothing of their mother tongue).

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The Meaning and the Function of the Word Ngana as a Means of Social Intercourse
in Manado-Malay, North Sulawesi, Indonesia

Ferry H. Mandang

Abstract

The word ngana is a personal pronouns in Manado-Malay. Ngana is a productive word that is used in sentences, especially in the oral context. The objective of this study is to describe the background factors of participants’ speech that influence the use of the personal pronoun ngana: (a), based on their age, nearness, socioeconomic statuses, education levels and positions, (b) the position of the subject ngana in sentences, and (c) the function of the word ngana in active and passive sentences. The data were analyzed by applying qualitative methods with the aim of exploring the contextual meaning in general (holistic) as a fact behind the language (Hanafi, 2011: 92). The result of this research can be used by other participants (non-Manado-Malay speakers) to understand the meaning and the function of the word ngana as a form of social intercourse in communication.

Keywords: second personal pronoun, Manado-Malay, and social intercourse

I.    Introduction

The Manado-Malay language is used as a means of social intercourse in North Sulawesi (Danie, 1987). It contains words that function as personal pronouns just as do other world languages. According to Manoppo et al. (1983), the forms of the Manado-Malay personal pronouns comprise the following: first person singular: saya, kita, ku, aku 'I, me'; first person plural: torang 'we'; second person singular: ngana, angko 'you'; second person plural: ngoni' 'you'; third person singular dia 'he or she'; and third person plural: dorang 'them'.
     Kridalaksana (2007:200) said that personal pronouns are used refer to the person.
According to Verhaar (2006:121), personal pronouns have a nominal function, meaning they refer to the person. This means that personal pronouns are the pronouns for the personal category, although based on its form (Alwi et al, 2000:249), the personal pronoun could also refer to one’s own self (first person pronoun), refer to the hearer or speech participant (second person pronoun), refer to another speech participant (second person pronoun), or refer to a speech participant who is being talked about (third person pronoun). Thus, neither the speaker nor the hearer nor the interlocutors are the appropriate objects for the use of personal pronouns (Muslich, 2008:122).  One of the personal pronouns in Manado-Malay is the word ngana (kau/engkau/kamu) ‘you’, a second person singular pronoun.
The second person singular pronoun ngana (kau/engkau/kamu) ‘you’ is used in a variety of manners depending on the background of the speech participants, both the speaker and the listener. That is the reason the word ngana is used differently in different situations and under different conditions. This research will focus on the use of ngana based on the following: (a), ngana in the sentence context (b) the position of the subject, and (c). the syntax functions of ngana.

II.    The used of the word  Ngana

A.    Ngana and the Speech Participant

The factor that makes judgments about communication in language is the speech participant (the hearer). Based on the complexities of the speech participant, this exploration will be focused on the participants’ age, nearness, socioeconomic levels, education, and position factors.
        The age groups were divided as follows: children between 5- and 12 years, adolescents between 13 and 18 years, youth between 19 and 30 years, and adults up 30 years old or those who were already married.

1.    Age Factor

The age factor refers to understanding the use of the word ngana in communication based on the relationship of the speech participant to the speaker in the sentence context.
1)    ‘Ngana so kelas brapa ?’
    ‘Engkau sudah kelas berapa ?’
    ‘Sudah kelas berapa engkau?’
    ‘What grade are you in now?’
2)    ‚So beking PR matematika ngana ?‘
    ‘Sudah buat PR matematika engkau ?‘
    ‚Engkau sudah membuat PR matematika?‘
    ‚Have you done yourmath homework?’
3)    ‘Di mana ngana ja karja akang?‘
    ‚Di mana tempat engkau kerja?‘
    ‚Di mana tempat engkau kerja?‘
    ‚Where is the place of your work?’
4)    ‘Kita deng ngana mo barmain falinggir!’
    ‘Saya dan engkau akan bermain layang-layang!’
    ‘Saya dan engkau akan bermain layang-layang!’
    ‘You and I will fly a kite!’
5)    ‘Ngana pe anak so brapa ?’
    ‘Engkau punya anak sudah berapa?‘
    ‘Anakmu sudah berapa?’
    ‘How many children do you have?’

Sentences 1), 2), and 4) are conversations between children, adolescents, or young people. In this case, the hearer is a pupil who is attending school. With sentence 3), the possible hearer could be a youth or an adult, whereas the speakers are adolescents, youth of the same age, or even adults. However, in certain regions in North Sulawesi, this utterance is used also by children.  Sentence 5) is used by adults speaking to young people who are already married on the assumption that the hearer has children.

2.    Nearerness Factor

The nearness factor can also influence the use of the word ngana in speech or sentences, as can be seen in these sentences:
6)     ‘Somo pulang ngana eso?’
      ‘Sudah akan pulang kau besok ?‘
      ‚Kau sudah akan pulang besok?‘
     ‚Will you back tomorrow?’

7)    ’Kita pinjam ngana pe buku?’
    ‘Saya pinjam kau punya buku?’
    ‘Bukumu boleh saya pinjam?’
    ‘May I borrow your book?’

8)    ’Eso kita mo pigi pa ngana!’
    ‘Besok kita mau pergi pada kau!‘
    ‚Besok saya akan pergi menemuimu!‘
    ‘Tomorrow I will come to meet you!’
              
9)    ‘Kapan ngana mo blajar dengan kita ?‘
    ‚Kapan engkau mau belajar dengan saya?‘
    ‚Kapan engkau akan belajar dengan saya?‘
    ‚When will you study together with me?’

10)    ‘Ngana so bole kaweng!’
    ‘Engkau sudah boleh kawin!’
    ‘Engkau sudah bisa kawin!’
    ‘You are ready to be married!’

Sentence 6) could be spoken to a hearer who is a friend from the office or in informal situations. Sentence 7) is an intimacy spoken between speaker and hearer as close friends who also work together at the same office.  In sentence 8) the speaker and hearer are fiancé and fiancée, but this sentence could also be used between brother and sister or between friends. 9) the speaker and the hearer are close friends.  Sentence 10) is spoken to a close friend or between brother and sister. It is also spoken by adults to young people or to their children.
     Sometimes, the nearness between leaders and their staff changes the use of the word ngana to the name of the hearer or is implicit in the zero form, for example:
11)    ‘Selfie , bawa tu barkas ini ka bawa !’
    ‚Selfie , bawa itu berkas ini ke bawah !‘
    ‚Selfie , bawalah berkas ini ke bawah !‘
    ‚Selfie, take this file down stairs.’

12)     ‘Coba (ngana) ambe akang tu map sana !’
    ‚Coba (kamu, kau) ambilkan itu map sana!‘
    ‚Tolong (kamu, kau) ambilkan map itu!‘
    ‘Please pass me that file folder!’

Sentences 11) and 12) are used by leaders speaking to staff persons who are close to them in proximity or when there are only the two of them in the room.

3.    Social and Economic Factors

Social and economic factors can influence the use of the word ngana in sentences:
13)    ‘Eso ngana beking barsi tu kintal!’
    ‘Besok kau bikin bersih itu halaman‘
    ‚Besok kau bersihkan halaman itu!‘
    ‚Tomorrow you have to clean the yard!’

14)    ‘Kalu ngana bermain nimbole di jalang !‘
    ‚Kalau mau bermain tidak boleh di jalan!‘
    ‚Kalau mau bermain jangan di jalan!‘
    ‚Please don’t play in the street!’

15)    ‘Ngana so bole cari karja!’
    ‘Kau sudah bole mencari kerja!’
    ‚Kamu sudah bisa mencari kerja !’
    ‚You are ready to look for a job!’

16)    ‚Di mana ngana bili akang tu oto ?‘
    ‚Di mana kamu membeli itu mobil?’
    ‘Di mana engkau membeli mobil itu?’
    ‘Where did you buy that car?’

17)    ‘Ba bisnis apa ngana skarang?’
    ‘Berbisnis apa kau sekarang?’
    ‘Kamu berbisnis apa sekarang?’
    ‘What kind of business do you have now?’

Sentence 13) is used by parents speaking to their children but is usually used by older siblings speaking to their younger brothers or sisters. This form is also used by employers speaking to their employees.
Sentence 14) is very clearly an utterance spoken by parents to their children. However, this form is used also by older siblings speaking to their younger siblings.
Sentence 15) is used by parents speaking to a son or daughter who is already in high school or who is studying at university. The sentence is also spoken by a head of the village to young people, and it is used also between friends. Pragmatically, this sentence motivates the hearer to look for a job.
Sentence 16) is usually used between adults of all statuses. In this case, this utterance is used between both the speaker and the hearer.
In sentence 17), the social status of the speaker is not restricted, but the hearer is the person who understands the business. This utterance is usually spoken between adults but also between young people. In addition, the utterance is also used by young people speaking to adults with whom they have a close relationship.

4.    Education Factor

The influence of the education factor on the use of ngana is always expressed in the utterance. For example:

18)    ‚Sekolah di SD mana ngana ?‘
    ‘Sekolah di SD mana kau ?’
    ‚Kamu sekolah di SD mana ?‘
    ‚Which elementary school did you attend?’

19)    ‘Semester ini ngana kontrak berapa SKS ?‘
    ‘Semester ini kau kontrak berapa SKS ?’
    ‚Kamu mengontrak berapa SKS semester ini ?‘
    ‚How many credit points did you sign up for this semester?’

20)    ‘Ngana dosen ato tata usaha?’
    ‘Kau dosen atau tata usaha ?’
    ‚Engkau dosen atau tata usaha ?’
    ‚Are you a lecturer or administrative staff?’

21)    ‘Kiapa ngana nyanda’ pigi karja ?’
    ‘Kenapa kau tidak pergi bekerja ?’
    ‘Mengapa engkau tidak bekerja ?’
    ‘Why did you not go to work?’

22)    ‘Ngana so dapa Profesor ?’
    ‘Kau sudah dapat Profesor ?’
    ‘Engkau sudah mendapat Profesor?’
    ‘Did you get your professor degree?’

Sentence 18) is part of a dialogue between a speaker and a hearer who was in elementary school. The speaker might know the exact age of the hearer who still in primary school but he does not know where the child’s school is located.  Speakers in this conversation could be the elderly, young people, teenagers and even children the same age as the hearer. In sentence 19), the hearer is actually a student. The dialogue is reinforced by the term “credits” (credit semester system), which is valid only among well-educated native speakers attending university. For sentence 20), both the hearer and speaker are educated, such as scholars, lecturers or staff at a university. The dialogue is certainly taking place on a university campus. In sentence 21), the hearer could have varying levels of education. The dialogue is possibly taking place at an office or company, a market, a shop or a garden, with the speakers having different educational backgrounds. Sentence 22) is used by a hearer who holds a doctoral degree and works as a lecturer. They are speaking about how to get a professor degree, and thus automatically the hearer must hold a doctorate.

5. Position Factor

The position factor refers to the use of the word ngana in connection with positions at work, for example:
23)     ‘Besok ngana mangada pa bos di kantor !‘
    ‘Besok engkau menghadap sama kepala di kantor!’
    ‘Besok kamu menghadap kepala kantor!‘
    ‘Tomorrow you have to face the head of the office!’

24)     ‘Ngana musti kase klar tu berkas ini hari !‘
    ‘Engkau mesti menyelesaikan berkas ini hari !’
    ‘Engkau harus menyelesaikan berkas hari ini !‘
    ‘You have to finish the papers today!‘

 25)     ‘Ngana antar akang tu surat-surat ini !’
    ‘Engkau antar tolong surat-surat ini !’
    ‘Tolong engkau antarkan surat-surat ini !’
    ‘Please deliver these letters!’

26)     ‘Kiapa tu laporan ngana belum kase maso ?‘
    ‘Mengapa itu laporan engkau belum kasih masuk ?’
    ‘Mengapa laporan belum kau masukan?‘
    ‘Why didn’t you submit this report?‘

27)    ‘ So iko pelatihan di Jakarta ngana ?‘
    ‘Sudah ikut pelatiham di Jakarta engkau ?’
    ‘Engkau sudah mengikuti pelatihan di Jakarta ?
    ‘Did you follow the training in Jakarta?‘

Sentence 23) might be delivered by a head of office to a staff member who has to face the boss of the office tomorrow. The speaker could be someone who works in the same office. In sentence 24), the conversation took place between a leader and his or her staff as a command to complete the files for this day, and sentence 25) is a command to deliver the letters from a head office person to a staff person. In sentence 26), the speaker is a head of office. He commands the staff person to immediately submit the report. In sentence 27), the hearer could have this same position, either as the speaker or as a hearer.

6. Ngana and the Subject Position

The use of the word ngana with regard to the subject position aims to understand the position of this word in sentences. Uses are different depending on whether the word comes before or after the subject. For example:
28)     ‘Ngana Ronny so tamat SMA?
    ‘Kau (kamu) Ronny sudah tamat SMA?’
    ‘Sudah tamatkah SMA kau Ronny?‘
    ‘Did you finish high school, Ronny? ‘

29)     ‘Ngana Herlan so kaluar sekolah ?‘
    ‘Kau Herlan sudah keluar sekolah?’
    ‘Kau sudah keluar sekolah Herlan?’
    ‘Did you finish school, Herlan?

30)     ‘Ngana Mega so momasa nasi ?’
    ‘Kau Mega sudah memasak nasi ?’
    ‘Kau Mega sudah memasak nasi ?
    ‘Did you already cook the rice?’

Sentences 28) and 29) demonstrate the use of the word ngana before the subject. This construction intends to strengthen the position of the subject in the sentence. Otherwise, the use of this construction is possible if there are more persons who are included in the dialogue. The word ngana must be combined with a name as subject, just to clarify who is the target subject.
Furthermore, pay attention to sentences 31), 32) and 33):
31)     ‘Rinny,ngana pe anak so brapa ?’
    ‘Rinny, kau punya anak sudah berapa ?’
    ‘Rinny, sudah berapa anakmu?’
    ‘Rinny, how many children do you have? ‘

32)     ‘Leo, ngana pe badan so gode’
    ‘Leo, kau punya badan sudah gemuk.‘
    ‚Leo, badanmu sudah gemuk.’
    ‘Leo, you are already fat!’

33)     ‘Sonny, ngana pe anak tadi datang!’
    ‘Sonny, kau punya anak tadi datang!’
    ‘Sonny, anakmu tadi datang!
    ‘Sonny, your son/daughter came!’

Sentences 30, 31) and 32) show that the position of ngana is after the name. The role of the word ngana is very important because if the word ngana in the three sentences above were to be eliminated, the sentences would have different meanings. In this case, the object of discussion (third person) is not included in the dialogue. The presence of ngana in the sentences above clarifies who is designated in the dialogue.

7. Ngana and Syntactic Function

As a lingual unit, the word ngana can change the function of the subject in the sentence construction as, for example, in sentences 34), 35) and 36):

34)     ‘Ngana batulis surat di kamar!’
    ‘Engkau menulis surat di kamar!’
    ‚Engkau menulis surat di kamar!‘
    ‚You write letters in the bathroom! ‘

35)     ‘Batimba aer ngana di kuala!
    ‘Menimba air engkau di sungai!’
    ‘Kamu menimba air di sungai!’
    ‘You draw water at the river!’

36)     ‘Sabantar bacuci piring ngana!’
    ‘Sebentar mencuci piring engkau!’
    ‘Sebentar engkau mencuci piring!’
    ‘You will soon wash the dishes!’

In sentence 34), ngana = the subject, batulis = the predicate, surat = the object, di kamar = the explanation, and di kamar = the location; In sentence 36), sabantar = the time, bacuci = the predicate, piring = the object, and ngana = the subject. Based on the sentences above, ngana can change its position as the subject of active sentences. For instance, the word ngana (a) can occupy the position at the beginning of the sentence, such as in sentence 34); (b) can occupy the center position as in sentence 35), and (c) even occupies the final position in sentence 36.
     Some of the examples of sentences in the active voice are all shaped, and ngana occupies different positions, at the beginning, in the middle or at the end of the sentences. However, if the sentences are passive, the word ngana will be positioned precisely in the middle of the sentence or following the sentence subject, as in sentences 37), 38) and 39).
37)     Surat ngana tulis di kamar!
    ‘Surat kau tulis di kamar!’
    ‚Surat kau tulis di kamar!‘
    ‚You wrote a letter in the badroom!‘

38)     ‘Aer ngana timba di kuala’
    ‘Air kamu timba di sungai!’
    ‘Air kamu timba di sungai!’
    ‘You draw water at the river!’

39)     Piring ngana cuci sabantar
    ‘Piring kamu cuci sebentar!’
    ‘Piring kamu cuci sebentar!’
    ‘You will wash the dish later!’

Based on the sentences above, we can see that the position of the word ngana is always before the predicate in passive sentences, meaning. that the subject of the sentence is always followed by the word ngana as an object and we never see the word ngana following the predicate in passive sentences.

B. Important Notes

(a) The word ngana is used in oral communication, as a sign that the speaker is in front of the hearer. For example, see sentences 40), 41), and 42).

40)     Buku itu ngana ada bili di mana ?
    ‘Buku itu kau ada beli di mana ?’
    Buku itu kau beli di mana ?
    ‚Where did you buy the book?‘

41)     Ngana tunggu kita sabantar.
    ‘Kau tunggu saya sebentar’
    ‘Sebentar kau tunggu saya!’
    ‘You wait for me for a moment!’

42)     Tu ada sadia di meja forngana .
    ‘Itu ada sediakan di meja buat kau.’
    ‚Apa yang disediakan di meja untuk kau.‘
    ‚The food on the table is for you!‘

Looking at all of the above sentences, the verbal communications were happening directly between speakers and hearers. In other words, the word ngana is used in oral sentences but not in written sentences.
If the word ngana functions as a subject in sentence construction, principally, it can occupy varying positions: at the beginning (sentence 34), in the middle (sentence 35), or at the end (sentence 36).
(b) The social distance between hearer and speaker is close and intimate. However, there is also a difference if the communication includes the name of the clan or position of the hearer.

For example:
43)     Ngana so pigi di kampong kalamaring?
    ‘Kau sudah pergi di kampong kemarin ?’
    ‚Engkau sudah pergi ke kampong kemarin?‘
    ‚Did you go back to the village yesterday?‘

44)     ‚Ibu Palar mo pulang di Tomohon ?’
     ‘Ibu Palar mau pulang di Tomohon?’
    ‚Ibu Palar mau pulang ke Tomohon?‘
    ‚Mrs. Palar went back to Tomohon!‘

45)    ‘Pesik, so pigi ambe tu oto?’
    ‘Pesik, sudah pergi ambil itu oto?’
    ‘Pesik, apakah mobilnya sudah diambil?’
    ‘Pesik, did you take your car?’

46)     ‘Pak Camat baku dapa deng kita tadi!’
    ‘Pak Camat bertemu dengan saya tadi!’
    ‚Pak Camat bertemu dengan saya tadi!‘
    ‚ I met the head of the subdistrict just now!’

47)     ‘Lurah, ada tamu datang tadi!’
    ‘Lurah, ada tamu datang tadi !’
    ‘Lurah, ada tamu yang datang tadi!’
    ‘Chief, a guest came just now!’

Sentence 42) indicates that the speaker and the hearer are close with each other and are intimate, whereas hereas in sentence 43) the word ngana was not used when the speaker used the hearer’s family name to address him or her. This is a sign that the speaker respects the hearer. The word ngana as a second person pronoun is not used with respected persons. The hearer always addresses the speaker with ngana in the positions it has in sentences 45) and 46).
In fact, there are several possibilities for how to address people based on their positions in the community:
(a).     If the social distance between speaker and hearer is close, the speaker tends to create an egalitarian relationship, meaning that the position of the hearer is no longer an issue with regard to the use of the word ngana to address the hearer.
(b).     Egalitarian relationships are based on the same factors: age, nearness, socioeconomic status, education, and position (see sentences 2) – 27)).
 (c).     The word ngana is used also by speakers who are subordinates to the hearer, a superior. This usage occurs based on the relationship between the two, family relationships, and friendship and also when the subordinate is older than his or her ordinate.
For example:

48)     ‘Kiapa ngana ada mara kita tadi di kantor!’
    ‘Mengapa engkau marah saya tadi di kantor!’.
    ‚Mengapa engkau memarahi saya di kantor tadi!‘
    ‘Why were you angry with me just now at the office?’

49)     ‘Apa kita pe barkas nae pangkat ngana so tanda tangan ?’
‘Apa saya punya berkas kenaikan pangkat engkau sudah ‘tanda tangan ?’
    ‚Apakah berkas kenaikan pangkat saya sudah kau tanda    tangani ?‘
    ‚Did you sign my promotion request?’

50)     ‘Ngana bapimpin rapat tadi talalu lama!’
    ‘Engkau memimpin rapat tadi terlalu lama!’
    ‘Engkau memimpin rapat tadi terlalu lama!’
    ‘You were leading the meeting too long, just now!’

51)     ‘Kita nemau’ ngana mo kase mutasi pakita!’
    ‘Saya tidak mau kau mutasi pada saya!’
    ‘Saya tidak mau jika engkau mutasikan saya!’
    ‘I do not want you to you switch me (from my position)!’

III.    Conclusion
Based on the above analysis, it can be said that the use of the word ngana is always influenced by the hearer’s age, nearrness, socioeconomic status, education level and position in relation to the speaker. Concerning the position of the subject, the word ngana can precede or follow the subject, such as when it is used after the person's name, and it is also possible for it to follow the subject.
This means that the different positions may have different functions: Thus, the word ngana in a sentence can occupy the function of the subject in the active voice, and in the passive voice, the word ngana occupies the function of object (object actors).In functioning as the subject in active sentences, the word ngana can be at the beginning, in the middle or at the end of the sentence. In the passive voice, the word ngana always precedes the predicate and never follows it.

Selected References

Alwi H, dkk.2000. Tata Bahasa Baku Indonesia.Jakarta : Balai Pustaka.

Chaer dan Leony.1995.Sociolinguistik.Perkenalan awal.Jakarta :Rineka Cipta.

Danie, J.A.1987. Kajian Geografi Dialek Minahasa Timur Laut, Disertasi pada Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta.

Hanafi, Abdul Halim, Dr, M.Ag. 2011. Metodologi Penelitian Bahasa, Untuk  Penelitian, Tesis  Disertasi, Diadit Media Press: Jakarta.

Kridalaksana, H.1986. Kelas Kata Dalam Bahasa Indonesia.Jakarta : PT. Gramedia.

Keraf G. 1987. Tata Bahasa Indonesia . Ende Flores : Nusa Indah.

Kridalaksana, H. 2007. Kamus Linguistik. Jakarta : PT. Gramedia.

Manoppo, G.Y.J.dkk.1983. Struktur Bahasa Melayu Manado.Manado : Depdikbud Sulawesi Utara.

Manoppo, W.G.1986.Penggunaan Bahasa Melayu Manadodi Surat Kabar. UNSRAT Manado.

Mandang, F.H.1996. Kata Tugas Bahasa Melayu Manado. Direktorat Pembinaan Penelitian dan Pengabdian Masyarakat Dirjen Dikti Depdiknas dan Kebudayaan Jakarta.

Parera, J.D.2007.Morfologi. Jakarta : PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama.

Salea , W.dkk.1977.Struktur Bahasa Melayu Manado. Proyek Penelitian Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah Sulawesi Utara Kanwil Depdikbud.Sulawesi Utara.

Verhaar, J.W.M.2006. Asas-Asas Linguistik Umum.Jakarta : Gajah Mada University Press.

MORPHOLOGICAL PROCESS OF THE MONGONDOW  LANGUAGE
(A Process Approach)
 Donald Ratu
( donalratu@gmail.com)

The purpose of this study is to identify the formation of affixes in Bahasa Bolaang (BM) and explain the patterns of their formation. This research can be used as a reference in understanding the unique morphology of the BM system, a reference to analyze affixes and an aid to understanding patterns of word formation. The method used in this research was the descriptive method, and the technique used to provide data was the tapping technique. These are the techniques involved in conversation, recording techniques and technique notation. Sudaryanto (1993) and the author compiled the data using these three methods. The subjects of this research were the user community in the Bolaang district. The data analysis techniques used were the item-process or Name Model and the Process Model (Chaer, 2008, Kridalaksana 2008). The results indicate that the combination of affixes and the pattern formation process are appropriate for the analysis and item-processing or Name Model and Process Model. Word-forming affixes in the Bolaang language identified in this study can be divided into prefix, infix, suffix, and affix (conffixs). Each type comprises a number of forms of affixes. Combining affixes does not create meaning; an infix should be added first, followed by the suffix. Likewise, the combination of affixes and the formation process consists of affixes, reduplication meanings, word classes and affix combinations.

Key words: morphology, language, Bolaang, approach, process

I.    INTRODUCTION

A.    Background

The culture of an area is strongly influenced by the language users. Traditional language, also known as the mother tongue, is a symbol of a regional identity, a community, the family, and the environment. The local language can also create feelings of warmth and familiarity, as observed by Todd (in Alwasilah.1993: 27): the "mother tongue [is] associated with feeling, warmth, intimacy and spontaneity".
Regarding the formation and development of Indonesian, it is quite important to consider the aspects of language. In this case, it is necessary to preserve and modify regional languages ​​through research, particularly research on morphology. Morphological aspects actually have been studied by various parties and presented in a variety of written texts. However, these studies do not completely answer questions such as why the prefix mo- can be appended, for example, to the root gogai, whereas the prefix mong can not. The actual word mogogai means “grateful”, whereas the word meaning “can not thank” is mongogai. Why can the prefix no- not be appended to the root dance although the prefix mo- can?
The actual form is not acceptable Notari, although the word momonari means “thank.” Why can the affix mopo be added to the root casks but not appended to the root langgok? Actually, the word mopotahangan is acceptable, wheras the word mopolanggokan is not. Limitations of the research results on the morphological processes inhibit answering the questions posed above because the results of the analysis only describe physical regularities (data speech) and do not analyze the characteristics of, for example, each component of the root or the base from which a word is formed. This study examines the morphological processes of the Bolaang language (a process approach).

B.    Problem Formulation

Based on the above background, the research problem is presented in the following questions: (1) What are the word-forming affixes of BM?  (2) How do word patterns form BM? and (3) What is the process of forming words in BM?

C.    Objectives and Benefits of the Research

1.    Research Objectives

The objectives of this study are as follows:
(1) Identify and describe the BM word-forming affixes; (2) Identify and explain the patterns of word formation in BM; and (3) Analyze and explain the word-forming affixes in BM.

2.    Research Benefits

1) Theoretical benefits: (a) As a reference to understand the uniqueness of the BM morphology system; (b) As a reference to analyze affixes, word formation patterns, and the process of word formation; and (c) The preservation of BM as a marker of cultural identity and the community of Bolaang Bolaang.
2) Practical benefits: (a) Contribution to language development studies in the field of morphology; (b) Support for the development of Indonesian, especially for advanced research on the morphology of BM; and (c) Contribution to the area of ​​language learning materials for Bolaang Mongondow.

II. THEORY

The analysis of morphology utilizes the following models and techniques: a. immediate constituent analysis, b. word and paradigm model, c. name and arrangement model, and d. name and  process model.
a). Immediate Constituent Analysis states that every unit of language (that is not the root) comprises two elements that build the language unit. For example, pekerja consists of the straight elements pe and kerja, makanan consists of the straight elements makan and an, and pertemuan consists of a direct element temu and konfiks per-an. In conducting the analysis using this technique, the meaning of a word’s form is most important. For example, the direct form of berpakaian contains the prefix ber and pakaian because the meaning of berpakaian is 'dressed'. Thus, pakaian means “garments” with the immediate element suffix -an. Berpakaian can be diagrammed as follows:

                 ber         pakai  an

The word membacakan can be broken into the direct elements of mem- and bacakan, but it can also be analyzed using membaca and kan. However, according to the meaning and order of its formation, the direct elements are me and bacakan. Therefore, the suffix  -kan is affixed to the root baca to become bacakan. Then, the prefix me- is appended to create membacakan, which can be diagrammed as follows:

               Mem             baca          kan
and not
               mem       baca       kan

b). The paradigm model is historically the oldest model of linguistic morphological analysis. Paradigm models use the basic unit of the word and the word elements, namely the morphemes. In this model the word pembaca, for example, is presented with other words that contain similar forms: pembaca, membaca, bacaan, terbaca, and pembacaan.
c). The order model presents grammatical elements, i.e., morphemes, and shows the relation between those elements. The word pembaca, for example, is formed from the morpheme affix pe and the morpheme bacaan, and the word bacaan is formed from the morpheme baca and the morpheme suffix -an.
d). Process models occur as a result of a process that involves two components, dasar and proses. In the word pembaca, for example, the basic word is baca, and the process is prefixation with the prefix pe-. In the word pembacaan, the basic form is baca, and the process is konfixation with the konfixes pe- an. In the word keterbacaan, the process is in two stages: the basic form baca is given the prefix ter- after being given the konfixation ke - an.
What about the formation of pelajar and pengajar? Pelajar is not formed from the basic word ajar and the prefix pe-, and pengajar is also not formed from the basic word ajar and the prefix pe-. If these words were formed in that way, there would be no visible difference between them (pelajar and pengajar). Pelajar and pengajar were formed from the same base, ajar. However, these words are formed using different processes. Pelajar is formed from belajar, whereas pengajar is formed from a form of mengajar. Semantically, a pelajar is a person who learns, and a pengajar is one who teaches. Consider the following chart:

                  belajar                                   pelajar
           ajar
                  mengajar                               pengajar

The research approach

Using the previously described process model clarifies the difference between the formation and the meaning of the words pelajar and pengajar. The word pelajar is formed from the verb belajar and means  'people who learn', whereas the word pengajar is formed from the verb mengajar  and means  'those who teach'.
The grammatical meaning of a word "reflects" its basic form (or what the form is reduced to). If the meaning of pelajar is 'learners' and pengajar means 'person who teaches', then pembaca means 'person who reads', and penulis means 'person who writes'. Thus, the meaning of membatu is solidified. Menguning means 'being yellow', and the word menyambal means 'making chilly sauce'; in other examples, bersepeda means 'riding a bike', berdasi means 'to wear a tie', and berdebat means 'to debate'.
The problems arise because we know that the word bersepeda means 'riding a bike', the word berdasi means 'wear a tie', and the word berdebat means “to debate'. The meaning of the component derives from the basic word. The word bersepeda means 'riding a bike' because the root has components meaning  “+ vehicle”; berdasi means 'to wear a tie' because the root of “tie” has a component meaning “+ clothing,” and berdebat means “to debate" because the root debat has a component meaning  “activity +.”
We can test the validity of this idea. All of the noun roots that have components meaning “vehicle” such as kuda, bendi, and kereta will, when the prefix ber- is added, have a grammatical meaning of naik/mengendarai, and all of the noun roots that have components meaning  pakaian or -perhiasan such as baju, jilbab and kalung will mean 'to wear' or 'put on'.
Thus, the process of affixation creates grammatical meaning (as do the reduplication process and composition) and is highly dependent on the components of meaning of the base word. This conclusion is different from Kridalaksana’s (1989) opinion, which relies on the ideas of Ferdinand de Saussure that every linguistic sign (signe linguitique), including affixes, has meaning. Therefore, according to Kridalaksana (1989), there are 19 meanings of the prefix me-. There are 21 meanings of the prefix ber-. In other words, there 19 versions of the prefix me- and 21 vesions of the prefix ber-  that are homonyms.
Henceforth, in analyzing the process of word formation by affixation, reduplication, and composition, the process model or approach will be followed, and meaning will be determined by the grammatical meanings associated with the components of the basic word.
A morpheme is the smallest grammatical unit that has meaning. It cannot be broken down into smaller units without destroying its meaning. For example, the word membeli can be divided into the two smallest forms of {me} and {beli}. {Me}is a morpheme and has a grammatical meaning, and {beli} is also a morpheme, which is the basis of lexical meaning. If {beli} were divided into smaller units to become be and -li, neither would have any meaning. Thus be and –li are not morphemes. In another example, berpakaian can be parsed into its smallest units: {ber}, {pakai}, and {an} are morphemes. {Ber} is a prefix morpheme, {pakai} is a base morpheme and {an}is a suffix morpheme. All three have meaning. The morphemes {ber} and {-an} have grammatical meaning, whereas the morpheme {pakai} has a lexical meaning. It should be noted that it is a linguistic convention to express morphemes in written form in curly braces ({...}).

Allomorphs and morphs

A morpheme is actually abstract because it is a concept. In concrete form, it is an allomorph, which is merely the realization of the morpheme. Thus, as the realization of the morpheme, an allomorph is real. For example, the morpheme {kuda} is realized in the form of lexical kuda items, and the morpheme {kan} is realized in the form of the suffix –kan, as contained in meluruskan or membacakan.
Technically, a morpheme only has an allomorph; however, some morphemes are realized in several allomorph forms. For example, the morpheme {ber} has three allomorph forms: ber-, be-, and bel. This is illustrated in the following chart:

Morpheme    Allomorph    Example (in words)     
ber-    ber-
be-
bel-    bertemu. berdoa
beternak. bekerja,
belajar.    

The morpheme {me} has six allomorphs, as follows:

Morpheme    Allomorph    Example (in words)     
me-    me-
mem-
men-
meny-
meng-
menge-    melihat, merawat.
membawa, membawa,
menduga, mendengar,
menyisir, menyusul,
menggali, mengebor,
mengecat, mengetik    

In addition to the terms morpheme and allomorph, there is also the term morph. In the study of morphology, a morph is a form of unknown status, i.e., whether it is a morpheme or an allomorph. Thus, the actual physical manifestation of the same morph is a physical manifestation of an allomorph. A morpheme is the "abstraction" of an allomorph.

Morpheme types

In morphological studies, the presence of morphemes is generally distinguished based on certain criteria such as freedom, wholeness, and meaning. The following section discusses the types of morphemes.
Free morphemes and bound morphemes are distinguished by their freedom to be used directly in substitutions. A free morpheme is a morpheme that, without its association with another morpheme, can be directly used in substitutions. Examples include the morphemes {pulang}, {merah}, and {pergi}. A free morpheme is certainly a base morpheme, whereas a bound morpheme is a morpheme that must first unite with other morphemes to be used in substitutions. All affixes in Indonesian include bound morphemes. In addition, many bound morphemes are base morphemes such as {henti}, {juang}, and {geletak}. To be used, these three morphemes must first combine with the affix or another morpheme. For example, {juang} becomes berjuang, pejuang, and daya juang; henti should be merged first with certain affixes such as berhenti, perhentian, and menghentikan, and geletak should be added as an affix, for example, tergeletak and menggeletak. The existence of free and bound morphemes can be outlined.

Regarding the bonding of basic forms, the following should be noted:

First, the bonding of basic forms such as gaul, juang, and henti is also commonly called creating precategorial forms because the forms do not have a category that can not be used in substitutions.
Second, Verhaar (1978) also included forms such as bell, baca, and tulis in a pracategorial class. When used in a first sentence, the prefixes me-, in-, or ter should be added. Those forms in an imperative sentence are used without affixes. However, an imperative sentence is the result of the transformation of a transitive active sentence that requires augmentation.
Third, the form renta, which only appears in the words tua renta; kerontang, which only appears in the words kering kerontang; and kuyup, which only appears in words basah kuyup, are also categorized as bound morphemes. Because they only appear in a particular pair, they are called unique morphemes.
Fourth, it is difficult to determine whether forms called (‘clitic’ and ‘prolitic) morphemes are free or bound morphemes. Whey they appear in substitutions, they are always bound to other forms, but they can be separated. For example, the klitika –ku in the construction bukuku can be split into buku baruku. When observed from the position of the proklitika, it can be distinguished as klitika when placed in front of the words that follow, for example, klitika -ku in the form of kubawa and kauambil. Another type of klitika, called an enclitic, is a klitika that is placed behind words such as the klitikas -mu and -nya in the forms of nasibmu and duduknya .
Fifth, the forms that include prepositions and conjunctions such as dan, oleh, di, and karena morphologically include free morphemes, but the syntax is in bound form.
Sixth, the forms identified by Kridalaksana (1989), called proleksern, such as -a (in asusila), dwi (in dwibahasa), and ko (in the kopilot) are also called bound morphemes.
The integrity of the form distinguishes intact morphemes from split morphemes. A physically intact morpheme is the unity of the whole. All basic morphemes, either free or bound, as well as prefixes, infixes, and suffixes are intact morphemes, whereas the definition of a split morpheme is a morpheme that is physically divided by another morpheme. Therefore, all konfiks (such as ke-an, and per-an) can be categorized as split morphemes. However, there are two important considerations regarding split morphemes.
First, all konfiks are split morphemes. However, taking the form of ber-an as an example, there are konfiks and non-konfiks forms; for example, ber-an is in the word berpakaian, and the word before berpakaian is “mandi dulu”, which can be called klofiks (an acronym of the group affixes) instead of konfiks, but ber-an in the word bermunculan in the sentence, “penyanyi baru banyak bermunculan pada tahun-tahun ini” is a konfiks. Affixes in Indonesian are called infixes, which are affixes placed in the middle of a word. For example, the infix –el added to the basic form of the word tunjuk creates telunjuk. Here, the morpheme is broken into two components, tel-unjuk. Thus, the morphemes tel-unjuk are split morphemes, not intact morphemes.
Depending on how a word is formed, morphemes are categorized as base morphemes or affix morphemes. A base morpheme is a morpheme that can be the base of a morphological process, such as the morphemes {beli}, {makan}, and {merah}. However, basic forms that are prepositions and conjunctions do not undergo the process of affixation. Those forms cannot be the base word but can only act as shapers called affix morphemes, such as the morphemes {me}, {-kan}, and {pe-an}.
                                  
 Bebas                            dasar
         Morfem
                               
 Terikat                        dasar
                                                                    
afiks            

Semantic features distinguish how meaningful a lexical morpheme is. A morpheme has lexical meaning because it inherently has meaning. All of the basic free morphemes such as {makan}, {rumah}, and  {pergi} have meaning as lexical morphemes. Conversely, morpheme affixes such as {ke} and {ter} have no lexical meaning. A meaningful lexical morpheme can instantly become an element in substitutions; however, a meaningless lexical morpheme can not.
The dichotomy between meaningful and meaningless lexical morphemes cause problems for the Indonesian language. Morphemes such as {juang} both have lexical meaning and do not have such a meaning. If a morpheme has lexical meaning, it cannot be used in substitutions before it has experienced morphological processes. Morphemes with no lexical meaning are not affixes. In this situation, it may be necessary to distinguish between a grammatical category and a semantic category. Grammatically, these forms may not be directly used in a substitution; however, the semantics of these forms nevertheless have a lexical meaning.
Another problem regarding the lexically meaningful morpheme is morphemes that are categorized as prepositions or conjunctions. Experts such as Keraf (1986) and Parera (1988) believe that prepositions and conjunctions do not have lexical meaning and only have a grammatical function. Actually, as base morphemes and not affixes, all prepositions and conjunction morphemes have lexical meaning. However, their freedom is limited in substitutions, although the limitation has not been as strict with affix morphemes. In morphology, morphemes, including  prepositions and conjunctions, have the same freedom as other free morphemes, except they are bound syntactically.

Basic Morphemes, Basic Forms, Stems, Roots, and Lexemes

Basic morpheme, basic form (or base), base (stem), root, and lexeme are five commonly used terms in the study of morphology. However, these terms are often used carelessly and are often given different meanings. Therefore, as specified by Lyons (1977:513) and Mathews (1972:165 and 1974:40,70), it is beneficial to discuss these terms before discussing the morphological processes.
The term base morpheme is complicated by the bound morpheme dichotomy. Thus, forms such as {beli}, {juang}, and {kucing} are base morphemes. Basic morphemes include free morphemes such as {beli}, {kucing}, and {rumah}; others include bound morphemes such as {juang}, {stop}, and {pejuang}. The bound morpheme such as {wakes up, NO, and (late clear everything including affixes}, as in the chart below:

                                                                          bebas
                                        
                                             dasar                     terikat
             Morpheme
                                             afiks       

A basic morpheme can be in a basic or fundamental form in process morphology. That is, certain affixes that are in the process of affixation may be repeated in the reduplication process or combined with another morpheme in the process of composition or compounding. The terms  basic forms and basic (base) are generally used to refer to a form that becomes the basis of a morpheme process. For example, the word berbicara consists of an air-morpheme {ber} and the morpheme {bicara}; the morpheme {bicara} is the basic form of the word berbicara, which is also a base morpheme. In the word dimengerti, the basic form is mengerti, and the word keanekaragaman is basically a form of aneka ragam. In the reduplication of rumah-rumah, the basic form is rumah; in the reduplication of berlari-lari, the base form is berlari; and in the reduplication of kemerah-merahan, the basic form is kemerahan. In the composition of sate ayam, the basic form is sate, and the morphological composition is ayam betina. This basic form can be a single morpheme or a combined basic form of ayam. In the composition of pasar induk, the basic form is pasar. Thus, the basic form is a direct form of the basis of a morphological process. This form can be either a single morpheme or a form of polymorpheme.
The term stem refers to the basic form of the inflectional word formation process, i.e., affixing inflectional affixes. This is especially true in flexion languages such as Arabic, Italian, German, and French. In the Indonesian language, the inflectional word formation process occurs only in the process of forming transitive verbs, i.e., verbs that use the prefix me (which can be replaced with the di-prefix ter- and the prefix zoo). For example, in the word mendaratkan, the land base is daratkan, and in menangisi, the base form is tangisi.

The term root refers to a form that can not be analyzed further. That is, the root is the form that remains after all of the affixes are uninstalled. If the enacting words after all affixes were uninstalled (i.e., the prefix me-, the air-prefixes, and the suffix -kan), then all that remains is the root. The root can not be analyzed further without damaging the root meaning. In another example, the word keberterimaan will be destroyed if all of the remaining roots and affixes are reduced. This reduces the word to a form that can not be analyzed further. The term lexeme is not used in two areas of linguistic analysis: the fields of morphology and semantics. In morphological studies, lexemes are used to accommodate the concept of the "form that would be the word" by a morphological process. For example, the word pukul (in the conventional 'morphology' lexeme, written in all capital letters) is a lexeme that would degrade words such as memukul, dipukul, terpukul, pukul pukulan, pemukul and pemukulan. In the study of semantics, a lexeme is a unit of language that has a meaning tulang. Thus, forms such as kucing, membaca, matahari, membanting and sumpah serapah are lexemes.
Lexemes are forms of derivatives, i.e., lexicon, lexical, and lexicography. The term lexicon in the sense of a 'collection of lexemes' can be paired with vocabulary terms. As previously mentioned, an affix is ​​a morpheme that cannot be the basis for the formation of a word but is part of the affixation process. In the Indonesian language, affixes can be distinguished as follows:
Prefixes: The affix is ​​appended to the left of the basic form, i.e., the prefixes ber-, me-, per-, a-,  di-, ter-, -se, and ke-.
Infixes are affixes that are placed in the middle of a word, generally at the beginning, i.e., the infix
-el-, the infix -em-, and the infix -er-.
Suffixes are affixes that are affixed to the right of the basic form such as the suffix -kan, the suffix -an, and the suffix -nya.
Konfiks are affixes affixed to the left and right of the same basic form. Konfiks in the Indonesian language are the konfiks ke-an, the konfiks ber-an, the konfiks pe-an, the konfiks per-an, and the konfiks se-.
In Indonesian, konfiks have tenses, i.e., the words occurring on the left and right affixes; however, tense formation occurs gradually. Words that include konfiks in Indonesian are formed from me-kan, me-i, mem-per, memper-kan, memper-I, ber-kan, di-kan, di-i, di-per, diper-kan, diper-i, ter-kan, ter-i, ter-per, teper-kan, and teper-. In nonbaku, there are nasal affixes that can be realized with a nasal m-, n-, ny-, ng-, and nge. Kridalaksana (1989) denoted the nasal affixes using the term simulfiks. Examples are  nulis, nyisir, ngambil, and ngecat.

II.    Research Methodology

A.    Research Methods

The descriptive method was used in this research to describe the exposure to the taxonomic classification of the elements according to the language of hierarchical relations.

B.    Technique of Data Collection

The techniques of data collection used waere the tapping technique, the simak, libat, and cakap techniques, recording techniques and notation techniques. Sudaryanto (1993) and the author also added to the data by studying three speakers of Boolang. This study utilized the technique of observation. We directly observed the use of the Boolang language by native speakers  and made notes to arrive at generally accepted rules.
(2)  Interviews and records were also utilized. Structured interviews were conducted with the volunteers, guided by open-ended questions that had been prepared in advance by the researcher based on the research needs for studying the Bolaang language. In the interview, the researcher asked the questions, which were then answered by informants in the Bolaang language. Participant responses were recorded and phonetically transcribed by researchers on paper made available for this purpose. In addition, to keep things that are not desirable and for the accuracy of the data, the interview was also recorded on audiotape. The data and audio recording occurred simultaneously.
In addition, interviews were conducted with community and traditional leaders who were knowledgeable regarding how the Boolang language was used in the Indonesian society. Observations and interviews with community leaders were intended to stabilize the research data. Participants were selected according to the following criteria: (a) a native, (b) age between 50-70 years, (c) active use of the BM language both within the family and in association with the community, and (d) have the tools undisturbed said. For the research instruments, the authors used 200 words Swades.

C.    Population and Sample

(1) The population studied in this research were the users of the Bolaang language in the district of Bolaang Mongondow, South Bolmong, East Bolmong and Kotamobagu. Two samples of the study were in districts of Bolaang Mongondow.

D.Technique of Data Analysis

The data analysis techniques used in this study were models and process models, i.e., any  recognized complex form that occurs as a result of that process involves two basic components, basic and processes. The process model can aid in understanding differences in the formation of words and the words’ meaning. The meaning of a form reflects its basic form (or the reduced form). In analyzing the process of word formation by affixation, reduplication and composition, this approach is followed to determine the grammatical meanings associated with the component in its basic form (Chaer, 2008).

IV. Results and Discussion

The results (see Appendix) in this paper only include a combination of affixes.
A combination affix {-ai} linked to the root of the root morpheme modifies the adjective meaning 'command to act / make more than that is the root morpheme'.
The {infix in-im-an} is a combination of the infixes /-in-/ and /-im-/. New words are generally all formed the same way with the infixes /-in- and -im-. The combination of {po-an} forms nouns (doing something). The combination of {ko-an} forms a noun that is used as a tool. The combination {po-in-an} is a noun form that is used as a place. The combination {po-ko-an} forms a noun (something). The combination of {mo- an} forms abstract nouns. The combination of {lo-an} forms a noun's place. The combination {to-an} forms a noun's place. The combination {popo-an} forms a word pointer place. The combination {po-im-an} forms a word pointer place. The combination {po-in-an] forms a word regarding performing activities. The combination {po-in-ki-an} forms words regarding performing activities. The combination of {po-go-gi-an} forms nouns that are places.
The data presented above indicate that the process approach to language analysis appropriately describes many forms and processes of word formation in Bolaang. A combination of the affixes /-in-ai/ with the basic word Polok / 'pendek' cannot be combined with the base word Polok / + ai> / polokai because this combination has no meaning. The formation process has meaning if the new process infix precedes the suffix as in pinolok + ai /> / pinolokai diperpendek.
The combination of the affixes / ko-an / with the basic word buat and the combination of the affixes /-in-ai/ with the basic word Polok /pendek cannot be combined with the first base  Polok / + ai> / polokai  because this combination has no meaning. The formation process has meaning if in the new process, the infix precedes the suffix as in  pinolok + ai /> / pinolokai to mean 'shortened'.
When combining the affixes /-in-im-an / with the basic word kuak / teriak,' the formation process can not be with the base kuak because adding the suffix /-an / creates kuakan, which has no meaning. The basic word kuak plus the inserts /-im / be / nimuak also has no meaning. The combination of the affix kinimukan / tempat berteriak / has meaning as a morphophonemic process.
The combination of the affix / po-an / and the basic words kaan / 'makan' in the process of formation of the prefix / po-/ plus the basic words  kaan / be / pokaan  means 'told to eat', whereas when the suffix is ​​added to the base kaan/, /-an / be/ kaanan has no meaning. The combination of the affix / ko-an / and the basic word  buat / 'angkat' forms a word that has meaning if the base / buat /  is added to the prefix / ko-/; it becomes  'may be lifted,' which has meaning. However, the basic word / added suffix /-an /be / buatan has no meaning.
The combination of the affixes / po-in-an / plus the basic word / ait / 'kerja' forms the basic / ait / plus the suffix /-an / a / aitan. This does not have meaning either. However, the basic / ait / with the insert /-in / and the prefix / po-/ becomes pinoait and then means 'in working order' The basic / ait / 'kerja' with added prefix and suffix insertion becomes pinoaitan, 'where told to work,' a place.
The combination of  /po-ko-an/ plus the basic words ponik / 'naik' form words with meanings such as the basic word ponik with the added prefix / po-/, which becomes poponik 'dinaikkan'; / ko-/ becomes koponik / 'dapat naik' / ponik. With the  the suffix /-an /, it becomes  ponikan / 'disuruh naik.  All together, it becomes pokoponikan,'tempat naik. The combination of / mo-an / and the basic word Sanang / 'senang', in the process of word formation, adds the base / Sanang / to the prefix / mo-/  to create / mosanang, which means 'very happy'; however, the base word plus the suffix /-an /becomes  sanangan, which has no meaning.
The combination of / lo-an / plus the basic word Litu? ('Sit') can form various words. The basic word Litu? with the suffix /-an / becomes  Litu?-an, meaning 'Seat'.  The basic word  Litu? and the prefix /an-/ become litu?, meaning 'sit spot'. The base form litu with the prefix /lo/ becomes lolitu, a place to be seated. Lolitu?-an means 'place of seats'. Combining /to-an/  and /tagu?/simpan in the formation process, if one starts with /tagu/ and adds the prefix /to/, the word becomes totagu?, which has no meaning. The base word Tagu? added to the suffix /-an / becomes  Tagu?-an, which has no meaning, whereas totagu?-an means 'a place to save anything'.
In combining the affix / po-im-an / with the basic word gotup / 'bunyi', the formation process begins with the base word gotup and adds the prefix / po-/ to become pogotup / 'dibuat berbunyi. The same base word with the suffix /-an / becomes gotupan, which has no meaning; however, pogimotupan means 'place of origin of the sound'.
In combining the affix / po-in-an / with the basic word kalung, 'necklace,' the formation process begins with the base kalung and adds the prefix / po-/  to become pokalung, which has no meaning. The basic word kalung with the suffix /-an / becomes kalungan, which has no meaning; however, the basic word kalung- with the  added prefix / po-/ and the suffix /-an/ and the infiks /-in-/ becomes / pokinalungan / 'dipakaikan kalung.'
In combining the affix / po-in-ki-an / with the basic word /tiug,/ meaning 'sleep,' the formation process begins with the base tiug and adds / po-/ to become potiug, which has no meaning. The basic word tiug with an added prefix and an infiks becomes pinokitiug, whose overall meaning is 'ditidurkan' / pinokitiugan / 'ordered to sleep'.
In combining the affix / po-gogi-and the  basic words lambung / 'baju,' the formation process begins with the base lambung and adds the prefix /po-/ to become polambung, which has no meaning. Pogogilambung means “dressing,” whereas pogogilambungan means 'place to clothes'.

V. Conclusion and Suggestions

A.    Conclusion

Based on the results and the discussion, the study can be summarized as follows:
1. Sixty-seven word-forming affixes have been identified in BM, including 47 prefixes, 4 infixes, 4 suffixes, 8 konfiks, and 4 klitiks. In addition, the formation of words in BM can be performed with  either whole or partial reduplication.
2. Patterns of word formation are created by adding a BM prefix, infix, suffix, konfiks, or klitika. Morphophonemic processes occur during the formation of words, giving rise to new forms such as pelesapan or a change in phonemes. In addition, patterns of word formation can also occur through the process of reduplication and compounding. As a result of the formation of the patterns, the newly generated words form new word classes.
3. The process of BM word formation varies with different patterns so that in addition to a new form, affixation, reduplication, and compounding demonstrate strong ergative characteristics. In affixation and reduplication, the formation process is quite clear: the prefix class morphophonemically gives rise to a new grammatical form. Grammatical forms and new meanings can be traced using a process approach, rendering understanding simple.

B.    Suggestions

Based on the conclusions of the study, we offer the following suggestions:
1. Language affixes in Bolaang have variants that should be studied in more depth by researchers interested in the field of linguistics.
2. This study can serve as a basis upon which other researchers may conduct a study of the specific morphological language areas in North Sulawesi.
3. The language affixes of Bolaang, especially in combinations of affixes in word formation, may be analyzed using the process approach. This language analysis would be more interesting if it involved levels of meaning such as contextual meaning and idiomatic significance.

Selected References

Alwasilah Ch. 1985. Sosiologi Bahasa. Angkasa. Bandung
----------------.1993. Linguistik, suatu pengantar. Angkasa. Bandung
Chaer Abdul. 2008.  Morfologi Bahasa Indonesia. Rineka Cipta. Jakarta
------------------2007. Kajian Bahasa, Struktur Internal Pemakaian dan Pemelajaran. Rineka Cipta. Jakarta
Kridalaksana, H. 1984. Kamus Linguistik. PT. Gramedia Jakarta.
    1992. Pembentukan Kata dalam Bahasa Indonesia
        PT. Gramedia Jakarta.
____________.1988. Beberapa Prinsip Perpaduan Leksem dalam Bahasa
Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Kanisius.
____________.1997. “Teori Morfologi dewasa Ini: Morfol­ogi Klasik” dalam PELLBA II. Jakarta: Universitas Atma Jaya.
Keraf, Gorys.1990. Linguistik bandingan Tipologis. PT Gramedia Jakarta
Lyons, John, 1995.  Pengantar Teori Linguistik.  diindonesiakan  Sutikno, PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta
Matthews,P.H.1974. Morphology: An Introduction to The Theory of Word Structure. London: Cambridge University Press
Parera J.D. 1987. Morfologi Bahasa.  PT . Gramedia. Jakarta
Sudaryanto. 1992. Metode Linguistik. Gadjah Mada Press, Yogyakarta.
        , 1993. Metode dan Aneka Teknik Analisis Bahasa. Duta Wacana
    University Press.
Verhaar, J,W,M. 2001. Asas-Asas Linguistik. Gadjah Mada University Press. Yokyakarta

DIRECT TEACHING STRATEGIES IN JAPANESE PHONETICS

Dr. Ferdy Djemmy Rorong, M.Hum

Absract

Direct teaching strategies are essential in teaching language activities in the classroom because these strategies can create learning conditions that support the achievement of learning objectives. In addition, teachers select and use direct teaching strategies to encourage students to actively participate in learning language activities. Language learning activities can be conducted using various strategies, including direct and indirect strategies. With regard to Japanese phonetics, onseigaku, the sounds of language (speech), are used as a tool to communicate. Phonetics involves a variety of meanings, as noted by Kashima (1997), namely (1) sound that does not relate to humans, such as wind, vehicles, and animals and (2) sounds associated with humans, such as unintentional and intentional sounds. This study aims to identify the forms of Japanese song lyrics phonetically in terms of Japanese language teaching strategies.

Keywords: direct strategy, teaching and learning, Japanese phonetics

I. INTRODUCTION

According to Gagne in Iskandarwassid and Sunendar (2008: 3), a strategy is one's internal ability to think, solve problems, and make decisions. The learning process helps learners be able to analyze and troubleshoot problems in making decisions. Some examples of the problems faced by Japanese learners include solving problems encountered in the classroom, such as how to remember the many complicated kanji and gaining familiarity with the use of sonkeigo and kenjogo in Japanese.
Teaching strategies have attracted attention from researchers of second-language learning, and there are different perspectives on the use of learning strategies. Learning strategies can involve character, behavior that is not observed or concrete steps that can be observed. Some think that learning strategies only involve matters related to the process of internalizing the language system, but others maintain that learning strategies include the use of language to communicate.Learners must manage both direct and indirect strategies. A direct strategy is directly related to the target language. Direct strategies, such as remembering, are accomplished by dividing a group using a picture or sound with specific functions to help learners recall and enhance new information. In contrast, cognitive strategies are related to practice and to receiving and delivering messages. With these strategies, learners can use various communication methods to understand a foreign language. Compensation strategies include estimating or guessing to overcome barriers in speaking and reading activities and use language to eliminate differences and deviations in knowledge.
II LANGUAGE-LEARNING STRATEGY

In general, the word ‘strategy’ means a careful plan of the activities to achieve specific goals (KBBI 1988). Language teaching and learning often use the terms ‘strategies’ and ‘techniques interchangeably’. To understand the meaning of a ‘strategy’ or ‘technique’, one must understand the terms ‘approach' and 'method'. According to Edward (in Tarin, 1993), the links among these concepts are arranged hierarchically; techniques are implemented that are consistent with the approach or method. Edward (in Tarin, 1993) explains that an approach is a set of correlative assumptions dealing with the nature of teaching and learning languages​​. An approach is axiomatic, whereas a method is procedural.Oxford defines a strategy of learning as a behavior or action taken by a learner to be more successful, focused, and fun (Oxford, 1990:235). In this study, the problem is limited to the direct strategies discussed by Oxford (1990:235-238).

a. Direct Strategy

1. Given Strategy
a) Producing a Mental Relationship
There are three strategies that exist based on a given strategy: Grouping, Connecting, and putting words in context.(1) Grouping nouns, verbs, topics related to the weather, practical functions (such as the words related to vehicles), or other language functions, such as apologies, requests, and demands (for example, warm, hot, slow/loose).(2) Connecting foreign language knowledge with existing concepts in memory and connecting other information with existing information. Notably, there are both easy and difficult memories.(3) Putting words in context given a phrase in a story, conversation, or sentence.b). Applications of Pictures or Sound
This section includes four strategies: using impressions, using key words, making a field of meaning, and pronouncing the sound in one’s mind.

c). Repeated
 There is only one strategy in this category, which is repeated on a regular basis. It is not sufficient for a student to see information from the target language once; the information is remembered through repetition with profound attention at certain intervals. First, there is a short time between intervals, gradually followed by more time. In the first instance, 10 minutes are spent on early learning, and this time is then repeated. The intervals vary: 20 minutes, 1-2 hours, two days, one week, and so forth. This intensity has a spiral shape. In this way, learners acquire new information while repeating things that they have studied. The aim is to learn a large amount in a short time. The information can be learned naturally and automatically as the student becomes familiar with the information.

d). Action and Movement
Concerning action and movement, there are two strategies: (1) the use of feelings and bodily reactions and (2) the use of mechanical techniques. Both of these are meaningless without relation to actions and movements. Each of these strategies encourages learners to appreciate the style and expression of body language while learning.
2. Cognitive Strategies
a.    Practices

(1) Repetition.
(2) Practicing the sound and writing systems.(3) Considering and using tenses and idioms and creating new combinations.(4) Application in real situations.
b. Receiving and Sending Information Content
There are two strategies for sending and receiving the information content of a message: (1) capturing spoken intent quickly and, (2) using a variety of materials to send and receive information content. The first strategy uses two techniques to identify intent, understand meaning, and use a variety of materials for expression. The second strategy involves analyzing, rationalizing, and creating structures for input and output. A third strategy involves creating a structure to speak and understand foreign languages through recording, summarizing, and emphasizing.

3. Compensation Strategy
a. Guessing involves listening and reading strategies to guess intelligently. These strategies include linguistic and non-linguistic strategies.(1) Using linguistic guidelines. This strategy is used when the learner lacks listening and reading knowledge of the target language’s vocabulary, grammar, and other factors.(2) Using non-linguistic guidelines. Guidelines are needed for the use of the non-linguistic vocabulary and grammar of the target language. These guidelines are used to guess when hearing or reading.

4. Overcoming Barriers to Activating Reading and Writing

To overcome the limitations of speaking and writing, the following eight types of strategies can be used.
(a) Changing to the mother tongue. Sometimes a phrase that cannot be translated can simply be used in the original language.(b) Asking for help. If there is a phrase that is unknown in the target language, do not hesitate to ask someone.(c) Using body language. We use exercises without words to express meaning through movement.(d) Avoiding partial or all communication when experiencing difficulties at an event.(e) Choosing a topic. Talking about the topic and enjoying and identifying the topic of the conversation. Having sufficient vocabulary and grammar to carry the conversation.(f) The guesswork message. Changing the information content and reducing the amount of information. Simplifying concepts and clarifying vagueness by maintaining the same meaning with slightly different pronunciation. For example, using a pen instead of a pencil.(g) Creating new words. To convey the purpose, new words can be made. For example, a note can be replaced with a piece of paper holder.
(h) Looking for equivalents. When you lack exact phrases or new words, use a word that has the same meaning (synonym). For example, substitute the note for a piece of paper holder.

III JAPANESE PHONETICS
a. Japanese Vowel Sounds
In the previous section, we noted that the sound of the Japanese language is written with hiragana letters. When Japanese learners, especially Indonesian people, refer to alphabetical writing alone, it is natural to use different words instead of the real Japanese words. Therefore, we will now examine how the sounds of the Japanese language are transferred to the IPA alphabet.
Before transferring these sounds, first note that the vowel sounds in Japanese only have five pieces: ( a), ( i ), ( u ), ( e ), and ( o ). Although the vowel sounds are written with the same alphabet as the vowels in Indonesian, there are some differences (Kashima, 1997:16-18).
Vowels are determined by the position of the tongue (up or down, and whether the tongue is lower or in the front, middle, or rear). In Japanese, vowels are determined by the absence of a round shape of the lips when pronouncing the sound. More details can be observed in the following table.
Characteristics of Japanese Vowel Sounds

Types of  Vowel- Sounds    Plain    Part of Tongue    Form of Lips     
/ i / [i]    flat    front    unrounded     
/ e / [e]    rather flat    front    unrounded     
/ a / [a]    bright    middle    unrounded     
/ o / [o]    rather flat    behind    rounded     
/ u / [.]    flat    behind    unrounded    

b. Characteristics of vocal sounds in Japanese:
vocal / i / [ i ]; vocal / e / [ e ]; vocal / a / [ a]; vocal / u / [ • ]Vowel / u / with phonetic symbol [ • ] . The vocal / u / in Japanese is pronounced with the lips in an unrounded shape, whereas in Indonesian, it is generally pronounced with the lips in a rounded shape.

c. Japanese Consonants
Consonants in Japanese consist of / k, g, s, z, t, d, n, h, b, p, m, r / and / • / at the end of a word or syllable. Each consonant involves a particular vowel facing a change. In this section, we discuss each consonant letter based on rows in Japanese.
Consonant / k /; consonant / g /; consonant / s /; consonant / z /; consonant / t /; consonant / d /; consonant / n /; consonant / h /; consonant / b /; consonant / p /; consonant / m /; semi- vowel / y / and / w /, / • / is a consonant allomorph written as different phonemes. The sound comes from the uvula as a hissing sound. Double consonants / q / are a special sound in Japanese (sokuon)
IV RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This study used a descriptive qualitative approach to analyze the participants’ incorrect pronunciation of a Japanese song lyric. This study considered Mahsun’s (2007:92-116) attentive observation method, prattle method, and introspection method to be content analysis techniques that include heuristics, critical analysis, interpretation (hermeneutics), and historiography.

V. DISCUSSION
a. The Wrong Pronunciation Form In the Lyrics Kuni no Hana
1. The word ‘mashiroki‘  was pronounced ‘machiroki ' by Informant 1 / sh / and / ch / Mashiroki ⇒ [mat ∫iroki] ⇒  pronounced [mat∫ iroki ]. Informant 1 pronounced it [t ∫ i] when it should be pronounced [∫ i]. The analysis shows that the sound [∫ i] was disturbed in I-1 and was turned into the sound [t ∫ i]. The changes occurred in the second syllable. In terms of phonetic consonants, correspondence occurred, such as the correspondence of the consonant / s / with the consonant / c /.
Sound [ ∫ i ] in the lyrics 'mashiroki' starts with consonant / s /, which is called the hissing consonant (fricative) voiceless alveolar and is pronounced by placing the tip of the tongue on the gum while releasing air through the side of the tongue, thereby causing a hissing sounding / s /, the hiss is clearly pronounced at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of the syllable.
The sound [∫ i] is a voiceless hiss and is spoken by forming a narrow gap between the front of the tongue and the base of the upper incisors to the hard palate.
The sound [ t ∫ i ] begins with the consonant / c /, which is called the voiceless palatal consonant because it is produced by touching the tongue to the hard palate and exhaling air from the lungs through the gap between the teeth. According to Katamsi (2011:9-10), the pronunciation of / c / must be spoken quite clearly at the beginning or end of a word (2011:9-10).
The sound [t ∫] is a combination of a hissing sound barrier formed by touching the tip of the tongue with the gum to the hard part of the palate and limiting the airflow. At the time of release, the tongue shifts position to the formation of the sound  [ ∫ ] .
According to Zulaeha concerning phonetic terms, informants violate the applicable rules of language, as in the corresponding replacement of the consonant sound / s / with the consonant / c / (2010: 42-43). The point of articulation is different because / s / is a hissing consonant (fricative), whereas / c / is a voiceless palatal consonant.

2. Tsuyoi
For the word ‘tsuyoi’  to be ‘suyoi’, the informants (1,4,5,6,10,11, and 12) had two types of incorrect pronunciation ( / ts / and / s / ): tsuyoi ⇒ [ tsωyoi ] ⇒ [ sωyoi ]. Tsuyoi , sung [ sωyoi ]: informants 1,4,5,6,10,11, and 12 pronounced [ sω ] at the beginning of the syllable, which should be pronounced [ tsω]. The syllable ‘tsu’ in Japanese is in a row of sounds [ta, t ∫ I, tsω , te , to]. The syllable ‘su’ is in a row of sounds [sa, ∫ i, sω , se, so].
The above analysis shows that the sound [ tsω ] was impaired in informants 1,4,5,6,10,11, and 12 and became the sound [ sω ]. In terms of phonetic consonants, / t / occurs in the initial syllable (see Zulaeha , 2010: 42-43). The next error was the word ‘tsuyoi ‘as ‘suyai‘ according to informants (I-2, 7, 8): / ts / and / s / . / o / and / a / tsuyoi ⇒ [tsωyoi] ⇒ [sωyai].Tsuyoi , pronounced [ sωyai]: Informants I-2, 7, and 8 pronounced [ya] in the second syllable, which is supposed to be pronounced [yo]. The syllable [yo] in Japanese is in a row of sounds [ya, yu , yo], similar to the sound [ya].
Thus, the sound [yo] was impaired in informants 2, 7, and 8 and was turned into the sound [ya] on the second syllable. A correspondence occurs in terms of phonetic vowels. The vowel / o / corresponds to the vowel / a /. Systematic errors were found in the pronunciation of   tsuyoi.  Seven informants could not pronounce [tsω] and instead said [sω]. Corder (in Nurhadi, 1990) said that there are three causes of such systematic errors, based on comparative taxonomic levels, that are considered interlingual  errors or mistakes, called interference.

3. Ni

The word ‘ ni ‘  to ‘nu’ (I- 1). / I / and / u / n i ⇒ [n i] ⇒ [nω] ni to ‘nu‘. Informant 1 said [ nω], which should be pronounced [ni]. The syllable "ni" is the sound of the combined syllables [na, ni , nω , ne, no] (The Japan Foundation, 1979). The above analysis shows that the sound [ni] in the impaired Informant 1 turned into the sound [nω]. Correspondence occurred in terms of phonetic vowels. The vowel / i / corresponds with the vowel / ω /.
4. Tatetoshite
The word ‘tatetoshite’ was pronounced differently by all of the informants: I-3 [kagetoshite], I- 6 [ taketoshite ], I- 11 [ taketoshite ], and [ tagetoshite ] ( I-12). The consonants were replaced in the first syllable, / t / and / k /, and the second syllable, / t / and / g /, / t / and / k /. The consonant / t / corresponds to / k /, and the consonant / t / corresponds to / g / (Zulaeha 2010: 42-43). According to Nurhadi (1990), removal (omission) and mistake sequences (disordering) occurred.
The word 'taketoshite' should be 'tatetoshite'. It may be that the informant was familiar with the form take, which means 'bamboo', which at that time was a known word. The informants thought that the word was used in tatetoshite, or the informants did not memorize the correct word. Furthermore, tatetoshite, pronounced as kagetetoshite, should be 'kokoro no tsuyoi tatetoshite'. Compared with the other informants, informant 3 made errors in all of the lyrics, especially the word 'tsuyoi', pronounced 'usawo'. However, this word does not exist in Japanese. 'I kiro' should be 'kokoro', 'kagetetoshite' should be 'tatetoshite', and the syllable  'ro' in 'ikiro' and 'tetoshite' in 'kagetetoshite' are similar to the words 'kokoro' and 'tatetoshite'.
Three mistakes were made by the informants, such as errors at the word level and semantics. According to Burt, Dulay, and Krashen (1982) errors occur in the linguistic category of taxonomy.
5. Mikuni
The word 'Mikuni', pronounced [ mikonu ], was pronounced differently by each informant. I- 1 said [ mikuno ], I- 6 [ mikoni ], and I- 11 [ mikohini ]. Zulaeha (2010: 42-43) noted that the phonemes / u /, / o / / i / and / o /, the phonemes / i / and / o /, and the phonemes / u / and / o / are corresponding vocals / .. / . and / hi /. Mikuni tsukutsu, pronounced as 'mikoni', should be 'mikuni', and 'sokoso' should be 'i', spoken as ‘mikuni’. Typically, 'u' turns into 'o', but narrow jaws and mouth can change the sound. The addition of the sound / ni / may be because the informants pronounced it hastily.
6. Tsukusu
The word 'tsukusu' was changed to 'sukusu' by informants (1, 4, 8): / ts / and / s / tsukusu ⇒ [tsωkωsω] ⇒ [sωkωsω]. Informants 1, 4, and 8 pronounced it [sω], although it is supposed to be pronounced [tsω]. These errors in the comparative taxonomy are called interlingual errors. The mistake is also called interference and occurs in the category of strategy preformation (omission).
The syllable 'tsu' is included in the row of syllable sounds [ta, t ∫ i, tsω , te, to]. Thus, the sound [tsω] was pronounced incorrectly by I-1, 4, and 8 and was turned into the sound [sω]. In terms of phonetic consonants, / t / occurs in the initial syllable (Zulaeha 2010: 42-43).
The word 'tsukusu' was pronounced [mikusu] (I-3) ​​/ tsu / and / mi / T [tsωkωsω] ⇒ [mikωsω]. Three informants pronounced it [mi], although it is supposed to be pronounced [ tsω]. Thus, the sound [tsω] was pronounced incorrectly by I-3 and was turned into the sound [mi]. In terms of phonemes, phonetic variation occurs at the beginning of the syllables. The word "tsukusu " was pronounced [ sokoso ] by some informants ( 6,11,12 ): / u / and / o / Tsukusu ⇒ [ tsωkωsω ] ⇒ [ sokoso ]. These informants ( 6,11,12 ) pronounced the word [ sokoso ], which should be pronounced [ tsωkωsω ]. Thus, the sound [tsωkωsω ] was impaired in some informants (6,11,12) and turned into [sokoso]. Correspondence occurs in terms of phonetic vowels in each tribe. The vowel / u / corresponds to the vowel / o /, and the phoneme / t / occurred in the initial syllables.
7. Kagayaku
The word 'kagayaku' was pronounced [kangayaku] by some informants (2,6,11,12), whereas informants 7.8 / ... / and / n /, / k / and / g / pronounced it 'gagayaku'. Mistakes occurred in the sound / k / because there are two phonemes in Japanese pronounced as / k / and / g /. The phoneme / k / corresponds to the phoneme / g /. This error may be due to the lack of proper articulation, in which the speaker means to say 'ka' and instead says 'ga'. In errors such as these, the informant did not choose the correct word or utterance due to a lack of mastery of the target language. According to Corder (1974), the particle 'no', between 'kagayaku' and 'miyono', is a result of the influence of the syllable 'no' being sounded too quickly. Corder categorizes it as a lapse and terms it a slip of the tongue.
8. Miyono
The word ‘miyono’ was pronounced [niyono] by some informants (1,11). Correspondence occurs in the consonant / m / and the consonant / n /. Two informants pronounced the word [minuyo]. This mistake occurred in the formation or  misformation. Twelve informants pronounced it [nihongno], an error due to the choice of words or phrases by non-proficient speakers of the target language that is categorized as a mistake (Corder, 1974). The phonemes / m / and / n /, / y / and / n /, / o / and / u /, / n / and / y / and / m / and / n /, / y / and / h /, / ... / and / ng / are pronounced ‘kagayaku’, and ‘minuyo sakura‘ should be ‘yama miyono kagayaku sakura‘. This error occurs when the word ‘minuyo‘ should be ‘miyono’.

9. Yama
The word 'yama' was pronounced [sama] by informant 3. Pronunciation errors in the consonant / y / correspond to the consonant / s / (Zulaeha 2010: 42-43).The word 'sama'  is pronounced when 'yama' is changed to 'sa' and is most likely influenced by the word 'sakura', which was unwittingly spoken by informants who uttered it after 'yama'. Consequently, there was a mistake in the use of language to change from ‘samasakura’ to 'yama sakura'.

VI CONCLUSION
The results and the discussion of lyrics in Japanese identified almost systematic errors.
1. The syllable [ship] was changed to [chi]. Tenshi was pronounced Denchi. According to Corer, pronunciation errors can be categorized as mistakes because the speakers did not choose the exact word or phrase. The informants deviated from the correct word.2. The sounds / shi / and / chi / are potentially confused by the informants because of  the similarity of the sounds. The syllable [chi] in Japanese is in a row of sounds: [ta, t ∫ i, tsω , te, to]. The syllable [shi] is in a row of sounds [sa, ∫ i, su , se, so]. The syllables are in Japanese (The Japan Foundation, in Nihongo Hatsuon). The informants were not precise in choosing their words. This error is categorized as strategy performance on removal (omission) and addition (addition).3. The removal of the phoneme / s / and addition of the phoneme / c / occurred. These changes include local errors due to one element being removed or added, thereby disrupting the communication process. The sound Tenshi can be spelled Denchi and vice versa, so the two words require attention when teaching phonetic Japanese.

Selected References
Chaer, A. dan Agustina, L. (1995)  Sosiolinguistik Suatu Pengantar. Jakarta:
    Rineka Cipta

Iskandarwassid, Sunendar. (2008)  Strategi Pembelajaran Bahasa. Bandung.
    Remaja Rosdakarya

Oxford Rebecca. (1990). Language Learning Strategies. Massachusetts: Heinle dan Heinle Publishers

Kashima, (1997) Onseigaku. Tokyo:Japan Foundation

Katamsi, A & Hae Z, (2011). Pedoman Pelafalan Seriosa Indonesia Jakarta:KPG

Mahsun, M.S (2007) Metode Penelitian Bahasa : Tahapan Strategi, Metode, dan Tekniknya. Jakarta: PT RajaGrafindo Persada

Nurhadi, 1990

Sutedi, Dedi (2003). Dasar-dasar Linguistik bahasa Jepang. Humaniora Utama Press.Bandung

Tarigan, Henry Guntur. (1986). Strategi Pengajaran dan Pembelajaran Bahasa Bandung : Angkasa.

Zulaeha,Ida. (2010). Dialektologi.Yogyakarta;Graha Ilmu

THE APPLICATION OF QUESTIONING PRINCIPLE IN CONTEXTUAL LEARNING: DEVELOPING COMPETENCIES IN ENGLISH USE FOR SMA (A TEXTBOOK ANALYSIS)

Femmy Tresje Pelealu
(Lecturer at Manado State University, North Sulawesi, Indonesia)

Abstract

Questioning is learning. As one element of contextual teaching and learning, questioning exists as a tool and is applied in the students’ textbook of SMA in Indonesia. The use of questions in the students’ textbook deals with the aspects of knowledge, comprehension, application, analysis, and synthesis. Comprehension is very dominant in the students’ textbook because the students need a lot of practice in comprehension. Synthesis occurs in a limited activity because this skill is a difficult one for the students. The use of Bloom’s taxonomy in the English textbook should be well constructed so that the objective of the teaching-learning process may be achieved. Bloom’s taxonomy should be decided through the type of questions used in the English textbook because it is in accordance with the procedure of thinking systematically and can lead the teaching-learning process to a good condition.

Key words: Application, questioning principles, contextual learning, developing competencies, English use, SMA in Indonesia, textbook analysis.

INTRODUCTION

Language cannot be separated from human life. It is very important in human daily activities because it is used as a tool of communication. By using language, someone can express his or her ideas, thoughts and feelings. This condition happens wherever and whenever human beings exist. Without language, one cannot interact with anyone else perfectly. Finocchiaro (1964:8) notes “Language is a system of arbitrary, vocal symbol, which permit all people in a given culture to communicate or to interact.” Thus, language is not only a tool of communication but also a set of arbitrary symbols, and it relates the cultures and interactions of people in their daily life.
The English language should be available for students to learn. So far, we have always been faced with the problem of English teaching and learning methods and techniques in relation to the teachers and students. We are rarely faced with problems of teaching and learning materials (textbooks used by the students and the teacher). The writer is therefore interested in making a study of the students’ textbook used in SMA (Senior High School).
Students’ books are written by many writers, and there are many different textbooks available to and used by the teachers and students of SMA. These textbooks or students’ books are variously written, but all of them are written based on the same aims, objectives and curriculum. In the case of English language studies, the ultimate aims and objectives are to improve the students’ knowledge and skills based on the standard curriculum, which acts as a guide to the teaching-learning process.
The questions or instructions in the students’ book or textbook of SMA are interesting to study because the activities and illustrations to be taught, in terms of skill, and exercises to practice are very substantial. They are considered by the instructors to be the core of what to teach and by the students what to learn. The problem to be answered in this study is formulated as follows: How is questioning used in the students’ textbooks of SMA? The purpose of the study is to discover, describe, and explain the questioning principle used in the students’ textbooks.

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Teaching
Teaching is the primary activity carried out by the teacher in the classroom. According to Brown (1994:7), “Teaching is showing or helping someone to learn how to do something, giving instructions, guiding in the study of something, providing to knowledge, causing to know or understand.” Similar to Brown, Howard (1968:18) states “Teaching is an activity that tries to help someone to acquire, change or to develop skills, attitudes, appreciation and knowledge.” These two quotations mean that teaching is a way or an effort to give other people  the knowledge that they need and to lead them to master the acquired knowledge and its applications.
Teaching is a process of doing something that consists of activities involving a teacher and students to attain certain goals. To support this statement, the writer takes the definition of Good’s (1984:31), “Teaching is direct interaction between the teacher and the learner; pre-active decision making-process of planning, designing and preparing the material for teaching and learning conditions.” Teaching is guiding and facilitating learning, enabling the learner to learn and setting the condition for learning (Brown in Anwar, 1986:1-3), which means that teaching is leading and giving someone the ability to learn some desired knowledge and to create an environment that is supportive for learning. Teaching includes verbatim records of what the teacher said and did and the response made by the child or group, including mimicry of the teacher (Rath, 1967:33). Teaching is the teacher’s activity during the process of learning, and the effect it gives to the students is also intimately involved in the process.

Contextual Teaching and Learning (CTL)
Contextual teaching and learning is an approach designed to put the students in a real relational position to the English language, which means that the students have to encourage themselves to be active in the teaching-learning process, to speak and share ideas and to learn not only from the teacher but also from their friends. Additionally, CTL requires that the students relate the teaching-learning process to their real lives and experiences.
Nurhadi (2002:1) states that CTL is a concept that helps teachers relate their teaching materials to the students’ real world. This implies that CTL helps the teacher to lead the teaching-learning process to the end result of connecting the material being studied with the students’ real situation and to then encourage the students to relate their background knowledge to the application of their learning activities.
Suyanto (2002:5) states that CTL may be applied by carrying out its seven main elements, which cover (1) Constructivism, referring to the activity of building the concept of thinking systematically. Knowledge is not merely concerned with groups of facts, concepts or patterns that must be remembered but also with how human beings construct these facts, concepts or patterns and give meaning to them through lived experience. (2) Questioning, considering that knowledge possessed by people is primarily grasped by asking questions. Questioning is useful in digging for more information, checking the student’s understanding, discovering how far the student’s interest in learning extends, leading the student’s attention to certain situations, arousing the student’s attention by asking questions and refreshing the student’s memory of certain knowledge. (3) Inquiry, understanding that knowledge and skills are gained through the activity of finding information independently. The teacher takes position as the guide and controller. (4) Learning Community, meaning that learning achievement can be accomplished by working together. This deals with the activities of sharing ideas, working in groups or in pairs and giving opinions. (5) Modeling, offering a desirable result of learning through the real thing that can be imitated. The teacher shows the students how to do something, and the students apply it by themselves. (6) Reflection, dealing with the teacher’s activity of reconsidering what he or she has taught and given to the students. (7) Authentic Assessment, the process of collecting various pieces of information that provides a description of students’ development in learning.

Questioning Principle
Questioning, as one of the main elements of CTL, should be given special emphasis. The use of questioning is fundamental for teachers and students in inquiry–based teaching and learning. In this teaching and learning process, the teacher uses questions to guide students’ thinking rather than simply giving students all the information deemed important. The teacher also uses questions in making an assessment of students’ understanding.
Students learn how to pose questions about phenomena, to formulate questions that can be tested, and to ask questions to their peers about evidence, interpretations, and explanations. Questions are used by teachers to prompt, guide, and assess students’ thinking. Questions are also used by the students in completing each inquiry-based activity. Questions serve many different purposes, take different formats and elicit responses of varying complexity.
Thus, in the classroom, the teacher asks questions to carry on conversations, stimulate thinking, evaluate learning, initiate instruction, clarify ideas and ascertain what children know.
The questions students ask also play an important role in classroom learning. Students ask questions to obtain information, solve problems, clarify information with peers, check instructions, and satisfy curiosity. The types of questions asked provide teachers with insights into students’ thoughts. The students reveal levels of understanding, indicate gaps in knowledge, and indicate stage of language development. In asking questions, there are areas of concern, however, because the question needs to be a good question (clearly indicating what is meant or what the purpose of the question is). Groisser in Thomas Good and Jere Brophy (1984:347-349) indicate that good questions are clear, purposeful, brief, natural, and thought provoking.

Textbook/Teaching Materials
It is a universally accepted fact that a language program is only as good as the teaching-learning strategy. The majority of teachers and students are going to depend on textbooks as their main resource for teaching and learning.
The textbook is a systematic arrangement of subject material designed to assist the instructor in teaching particular content to students at a specific grade level.

Bloom’s Taxonomy
Taxonomy is a system of classifying objectives and ways of thinking according to a cognitive hierarchy. It is assumed that in learning English, the students need to think systematically. Taxonomy is used to facilitate students’ desire to think systematically and to develop desirable decision making.
Taxonomy covers six elements: knowledge, comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis and evaluation. These elements of taxonomy can be planned in the teaching-learning process to achieve the goals of learning. The elements may then be developed by the teacher based on the content and class situation. The decision to use or not to use various levels within taxonomy should be left to the teacher, which necessarily depends upon whatever rationale the teacher selects (Raths, Pancella and Van Ness, 1971:122).
Benjamin Bloom has classified his taxonomy using the following elements: (1) Knowledge, involving the recall of specific and universal, the recall of methods and processes, or the recall of a pattern, structure, or setting. (2) Comprehension, concerning the lowest level of understanding. Comprehension refers to a type of understanding or apprehension such that the individual knows what is being communicated and can make use of the material or idea being communicated. (3) Application, dealing with the use of abstractions in particular and concrete situations. The abstractions may be in the form of general ideas, rules or procedures or generalized methods. The abstractions may also be technical principles, ideas, and theories that must be remembered and applied. (4) Analysis, referring to the breakdown of a communication into its constituent elements or parts such that the relative hierarchy of ideas is made clear and/or the relations between the ideas expressed are made explicit. (5) Synthesis,  the activity of putting together elements or parts to form a whole.
In this article, the evaluation criterion is not used because this criterion is related to the teacher’s judgment and, therefore, is not found in the students’ textbook.    
METHODOLOGY
  
This research is intended to describe the questioning used in the students’ book of SMA in Indonesia. In this case, the research can be classified as a descriptive or qualitative research. The data are in the form of words (sentences) and are analyzed qualitatively. The source of the data is the questions used in the students’ book of SMA, first semester and first class. The title of the book is Contextual Learning: Developing Competencies in English used for SMA, written by Wachyu Sundayana, dkk. published by Grafindo Media Pratama, Bandung Indonesia in 2003. The book consists of nine units and 122 pages. In collecting the data, the writer is the key instrument. The collected data are analyzed based on the procedure of qualitative research.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
  
The analysis is carried out by analyzing students’ textbooks, in this case, the English textbook for the first year students of Senior High School titled Contextual Learning: Developing Competencies in English Use for SMA, consisting of 9 units.
In unit 1, knowledge occurs when the students have to identify a picture and answer questions related to the picture. Comprehension can be observed in the students’ activities of doing some simple tasks, such as filling in the blanks, completing the dialogue and answering the questions based on the reading text. Applications are in the students’ activities of connecting the lessons to a real situation, such as answering the questions by individually relating to the given situation. Analysis can be identified in the students’ activity of clarifying explicit ideas by reading the provided text (which has certain areas blanked out) and identifying the ideas to be filled in the provided blanks. Synthesis can also be seen because the students have to do the tasks using various English skills. In this case, the students practice the requested sentences and make a conversation based on the given situation.
Knowledge in unit 2 is seen in the students doing the exercise by paying attention to the pictures. Comprehension occurs when the students have to read the dialogue or the practice text and demonstrate an understanding of what they read. Application is found in the students having to act out the dialogues in front of the class. Analysis is provided in the students studying the pictures and then guessing the activities in the picture based on the expression in the dialogue.
    In unit 3, knowledge can be observed in the students’ activity of describing their own family before they study a new topic. Comprehensions are in the students’ activities of reading the text, completing the dialogue read by the teacher, and answering the questions based on the reading text. Application can be identified in the students’ activities of writing a diagram of their own family after paying attention to the provided example. Analysis exists because the students have to study and pay attention to the italicized words or sentences in the dialogue or reading text. Synthesis is provided in the students’ activity of writing a dialogue, which they then practice in front of the class.
In unit 4, knowledge is found when the students look at the pictures relating to types of jobs and then answer questions based on the teacher’s information. Comprehension is seen in the students’ activity of reading a text and curriculum vitae, as well as doing some practice exercises. Application is found when the students have to apply certain knowledge, such as writing their own curriculum vitae after reading the example or doing the exercises concerning the past progressive tense. Analysis is seen when the students must answer the questions by paying attention and analyzing the italicized expressions in the reading text. Synthesis occurs when the students have to create a dialogue and practice it in front of the class.  
In unit 5, knowledge is identified in the students’ activities of looking at the picture and rearranging the pictures based on the teacher’s instruction. Comprehensions deal with the activities of reading the text and doing some simple tasks. Applications are in the students’ activities of practicing the Indonesian equivalent of certain English words with their friends and filling out forms to reserve accommodation facilities. Analysis deals with the students summarizing the reading text. Synthesis is seen in the activity of working in groups.
Knowledge in unit 6 is seen in the students’ effort to answer questions related to texts. Comprehension exists because the students are assigned to read the dialogue and reading text. Application is found because the students have to act out what the teacher tells them to in relation to the class situation. Analysis exists because the students are asked to read and analyze a type of receipt, while synthesis is found when the students create a dialogue and practice it in front of the class.
Knowledge in unit 7 deals with the students identifying pictures and answering questions based on the pictures. Comprehensions are in the students’ activities of reading the text, answering the questions based on the text, finding the antonyms of words, and making a sentence using the given words. Application in this unit is found in the students’ having to apply what they have known or grasped previously in the course. Analyses are identified in the students’ activities of studying the pictures and matching the instructions imparted by the teacher with the provided pictures. Synthesis is seen in the students paying attention to the pictures and then guessing what the people in the pictures say.
Knowledge in unit 7 can be observed in the students answering questions concerning health based on their background knowledge and answering some questions about health messages before they practice making a message of their own. Comprehension exists when the students read the reading text and do simple exercises, such as completing the sentences after they listen to the teacher’s instructions and answering the questions based on the reading text. Application is in the students practicing the expression of offering something and acting out a conversation in front of the class. Analysis is found in the students’ activity of analyzing italicized expressions in the dialogue and analyzing what the people say in the given picture, while synthesis is identified in the students working in groups where they give some opinion about smoking and its effect.           
In unit 9, knowledge exists because the students have to answer questions based on their background knowledge concerning food and health. Comprehensions are found in the students’ activity of carrying out simple exercises, such as completing the dialogue based on the information given by the teacher. Application can be identified in the students’ activity of applying the knowledge to a concrete situation or form. Analysis can be found because the students have to study the pictures and guess what the people in the pictures are saying. Synthesis exists because the students read a given situation or problem and have to deliver the solution orally.

Knowledge

Knowledge is used to provide the students with an opportunity to remember and explore what has been saved in their mind. In the textbook, knowledge is found in the students’ activities of identifying pictures and answering questions based on the pictures. Pictures help the students to recall the ideas already learned that will relate to the topic the students are preparing to study. Additionally, knowledge is seen in the students needing to answer the questions before they read the reading text. 

Comprehension 

Comprehension deals with the students doing simple tasks, with answers or instructions explicitly provided in the text. In the textbook, the existence of comprehension is very dominant because it occurs in many activities. Therefore, comprehension can be assumed to be the main type of questioning in the students’ textbook.

Application

In the units as a whole, application occurs when the students practice the dialogue in front of the class, practice the expressions of certain cases and perform the exercises of pattern or tense after the students have studied the pattern or rule or had the pattern or rule explained to them by the teacher.

Analysis

In all units, analysis can be identified through the students’ acts of clarifying the italicized words or statements. The students learn how the ideas should be organized. Analysis is also seen in the students studying certain types of letters and making a summary of a reading text. The students have to clarify the idea by paying attention to the arrangement so that the arrangement of ideas in certain ways will increase the students’ understanding.

Synthesis
  
The tasks completed by the students deal with synthesis because the students produce several aspects of language and language learning, such as speaking, reading, writing, sharing ideas, giving opinions, etc. However, synthesis occurs in a limited activity because it is only found in one activity in each unit.       

CONCLUSION

Questioning as one element of contextual teaching and learning exists in the students’ textbook of SMA in Indonesia. The use of questions in the students’ textbook deals with the criteria of knowledge, comprehension, application, analysis and synthesis. Comprehension is very dominant in the students’ textbook because the students have to complete many practices in comprehension. Synthesis occurs in a limited activity because the skill is a difficult one for the students.
    The use of Bloom’s taxonomy in the English textbook should be well constructed so that the objective of the teaching-learning process may be achieved. Bloom’s taxonomy should be decided through the types of questions used in the English textbook because it is in accordance with the procedure of thinking systematically and can lead the teaching-learning process to achieve the desired result of English literacy.

Selected References

Asiah Abuh Samah. “Materials for Language Learning and Teaching: New Trends and Developments – The Malaysian Scence”. In Bikram K. Das. Materials for Language Learning and Teaching. Anthology Series 22. Singapore : SEAMEO Regional Language Center.
Bloom, Madaus, & Hastings. 1981. Taxonomy of Educational Objectives.
Brown, Douglas H. 1994. Principles of language Teaching and Learning. New Jersey: Holt Rinehart Publishers, Inc.
Anwar S. 1986. Remedial Teaching. Jakarta Indonesia: Penerbit Karunia Universitas Terbuka.
Depdikbud, 1994. Curriculum of SMA 1994. Jakarta Indonesia: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan.
Finocchiaro, M. 1964. The Foreign Language Learner. London: Longman Ltd.
Good Thomas S.L 1984. Looking in Classrooms. Third Edition. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers.
Good Thomas L. and Brophy Jere E. Looking in Classrooms. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers.
Howard, Alvin W. 1868. Teaching in Middle Schools. Scranton, Penssylvania: International Textbook Company.
Nurhadi 2002. Contextual Teaching and Learning (CTL). Jakarta Indonesia: Direktorat Sekolah Lanjutan Tingkat Pertama Dirjendikdasmen.
Rath , A. et al. 1967. Studying Teaching. Engle Wood Cliffs Prentice Hall.
Raths James, John R. Pancella & James S. Van Ness. 1971. Studying Teaching. Second Edition. Prentice Hall, Inc. Engleword Cliffs. N.J.
Senduk, A.G. 2002. The Philosophy of Contextual Teaching and Learning (CTL). Tondano Indonesia: English Education Department, Faculty of Language and Arts, UNIMA.
Suyanto, Kasihani. 2002. Contextual Teaching and Learning. Malang Indonesia: Universitas Negeri Malang.
Wachyu Sundayana. 2003. Contextual Learning: Developing Competencies in English Used for SMA. Bandung Indonesia: Grafindo Media Pratama.
Walton J. 1966. Toward Better Teaching in the Secondary School. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

LINGUAL STRUCTURE TABOO AND CULTURAL VALUES IN TOUNTEMBOAN COMMUNITY

Selvie Mumu

Abstract

This research is related to the lingual structure and the meaning of Tountemboan taboo expressions in society within the context of marriage, prenatal and death. Likewise, it aimed to reveal the way people convey Tountemboan taboo expressions and to reflect the cultural values ​​of the Tountemboan community.
This research provided benefits to the development of knowledge, especially in the field of linguistics and culture. This study used a qualitative approach to generate descriptive data in written or spoken language (Djajasudarma, 2006). It also used the tagmemic theory by Cook (1969) to analyze the lingual structure, Chaer's semantic theory (2006) to understand the meaning of the taboo expressions and Austin's (1968) theory of pragmatics.
Tountemboan taboo expressions not only reflect the cultural aspects in the society but also provide information that advise, prohibit, and suggest society members do something for their health and safety.

I Background
There are eight ethnic groups in Minahasa: Tombulu, Tountemboan, Tonsea, Toulour, Tonsawang, and the assimilation ethnic groups are Bantik, Bentenan and Ponosakan (Palar, 1994). Tountemboan ethnic groups used the Tountemboan language in the central part of the South Minahasa regency, which consists of eleven districts: Sonder, Kawangkoan, Tompaso, Langowan, Tareran, Tumpaan, Tombasian, Tenga, Motoling, Modoinding, and New Tompaso. In addition, there are also Tountemboan language speakers in the Tomohon sub-district. The Tountemboan group is the largest ethnic group in Minahasa.
The Tountemboan ethnic groups have customs or habits called taboo that can be found in many aspects of life and are still preserved and believed by the society to benoble values ​​that must be obeyed. The values can lead men to change their actions (Liliweri, 1994). Taboo or prohibition describes the form of an expression or phrase used in written and spoken language, which as Kridalaksana (2008) states, is a group of words or combination of words that express a special significance.
The object of this study is limited to taboo lingual structural expressions in marriage, prenatal, and death domains in the Tountemboan community. These three aspects of life are chosen because they are the main domains of the human life cycle. In addition, in these realms, the taboo expressions are unique and still maintain the way of life of the community.

II. The Lingual Structure of Taboo Expressions
The taboo lingual structural expressions in Tountemboan society include multi-level complex sentences consisting of multi-story complex sentences with relational terms, multi-level complex sentences and compound sentences illustrating how relationships form and the relationship of time in a single sentence consisting of one clause as follows:
a. Marriage Domain
1) 'Catoro  kumesot am balee sa minggu ampapaan  kumaweng’.
D: (P: FV (neg + V)    Pel. Pr        Ket. : FN + FPr
'The person should not be out of the house a week before wedding'
The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single  sentence, which is an order judging from the sentence's syntactic form.
2) ‘Catoro mayak mewali-wali wo mentimtimboyan engkama’.
    P: FV (negative + V) Ket. : FAdv
    ’Should not be walking together holding hands’.
    The structure of this lingual expression shows a complex sentence in imperative form.
3)    ‘Catoro calepok sisin cumawengan endo kumaweng’.
    P: FV (neg + V)        O: FN                  Ket. : F Pre
    ‘Should not be dropped wedding ring on wedding day (ceremony)’.
    This structure of the lingual expression is a single sentence that contains one sentence clause as a command.
4)  Catoro  kumesot ambale sa awean tou mama’an
    D:(P :FV (neg + V)        Act.pr    M: (Sub + kl b)
    ‘Should not go out of the house, if there is someone sneezes’.
    This structure of the lingual expression shows a complex sentence, which is an order judging from the sentence's syntactic form.
5)    ‚Catoro  kumesot ambale sa isopit matenge‘.
    D: (P: FV (neg + V)         pel.pre             M: (Sub + kl b)
    ‘Should not be step out from the house if the lizard clear throat’.
    This structure of the lingual expression shows a complex sentence, which is an order judging from the sentence's syntactic form.
6)  Catoro melo’los maya sameto’opula wuring
    D: (P : (FV neg + V)         Pel:N                 M: (Sub + kl b)
    ‘Do not proceed if confronted by a black snake’.or
    ‘There should proceed if there is a black snake lie ahead’.
    The structure of the lingual expression in this sentence provides a clue of the danger that will be encountered if one continues on.

b. Prenatal Domain (pregnant woman)
1)    Catoro tumulung andior ampaleng
    P:  FV (neg + V)                         Ket.  tpt: F Pre
     “Do not stand in front of the door “.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence. This sentence functions as an order to the pregnant woman.
2)     Catoro lumukut andior papaleng.
    P : FV (neg + V)            Ket. tpt: F Pre
    'Should not be sitting in front of the door'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
3)     Catoro kuman wo mawayak.
    P: FV (neg + V) + kor + V
    'Do not eatwhile walking'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
4)     ‘Catoro paten se binatang‘.
    P: FV (neg + V)        O: n
    'Do not kill the  animal'..
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order or prohibition.
5) ‘Catoro sumerok se tou’.
    P : FV (neg + V)      O: n
    'Do not insult people'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
6)    ‘Catoro makes in talian kanat’.
    P : FV (neg + V) kl :n          Ket: F Pre
    ‘Should not be wrapping the rope around the neck’.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
7)  Catoro maya kesatouan endo wengi.
    P : FV (neg + V)    Pel:adj             Ket : F Pre
    'Do not walk alone at night'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
8)     ‘Catoro mawilitan endowengi’.
    P: FV (neg + V)
    'Do not sew at night’.
The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
9)  Catoro mumpung wanang am wiwilit.
    P : FV (neg + V)            O:n       Ket : F Pre
    ‘Do not put the thread into the needle'.
The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence if the form of an order.
10) ‘Catoro  ma’kantar’.
    P : FV (neg + V)
    'Do not sing'.
The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
11) ‘Catoro lumukut an  ra’dan’.
    P : FV (neg + V)   Ket : F Pre
    'Do not siton the stairs of thehouse'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order and prohibition.
12)‚Catoro  tumulung an ra’dan‘.
    P : FV (neg + V)   Ket  : F Pre
    'Do not stand on the stairs of the house '.
     The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order and prohibition.   
13)  ‚Catoro  kuman kolai‘.
    'Do not/should not eat sweet potatoes'
The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
14) ‚Catoro mange an kubur‘.
    P : FV (neg + V)   Ket  : F Pre
    'Do not/should not go to the cemetery.'
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
15)  Catoro kuman nenas
    P : FV (neg + V )     O:n
    'Do not eatpineapple'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an orderand prohibition.
16) ‘Catoro kuman duriang’.
    P : FV (neg + V)      O:n
    'Do not / should not eat durian'
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.

17) ‘Catoro kuman wala’ang rowar’.
    P: FV (neg + V)             O: FN
    'Do not/should not eat cucumberyoung cucumber’.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
18) ‘Catoro makunting wu’uk’.
    P: FV (neg + V)      O:n
    'Do not cut the hair'
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an orderor prohibition.
19) ‘Catoro  kuman po’po rowar’.
    P: (FV neg + V)        Ket. FN
    'Do not eat coconut'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
20) Catoro wu’bu’an winalian
    P: FV (neg + V)      O: n
    'Do not/should not pierce bamboo'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order or prohibition.
21)  Catoro masere se tou
    P: FV (neg + V)      O:n
    ‘Do not mockpeople'.
     ‘Should not be mocking people’.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order or prohibition.
22)‘Catoro matekol wo se po’ow’.
    P: FV (neg + V)   Ket: F Pre
    'Do not fightwithfamily’.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order and offers advice.
23) Catoro  metokol se mama
    P: FV (neg + V)   Ket : FN
    'Do not quarrel with mother'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order and offers advice.
24) Catoro makunting sulu an endo wengi
    P: FV (neg + V)       O:n           Ket  : F Pre
    'Do not cut your nails at night'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a single sentence in the form of an order.
25) Catoro lumukud amba wo po’lenan
    P: FV (neg + V)    Ket : F Pre
    ‘Do not sit on the pillow’.
    The structure of the lingual expression above shows a compound imperative sentence.

c. Domain of Death
1)    Catoro  tumawoy sa awean pinatean
    D: ( P : FV (neg + V)   M: (Sub + Kl ter)
    ‘May not work, if there is someone death (in the village)’.
The structure of the lingual expression above indicates a shaped terraced compound sentence.
2)    Catoro  tumenge in radio ka’patvsa awean pinatean
    D: ( P : FV (neg + V)  (O:n))                M: ( Sub + Kl ter)
    'Do not play the radio or TV if there is death'.
The structure of the lingual expression above indicates a shaped terraced compound sentence.
3)    Catoro mayaan uma sa awean pinatean
    D: (P : FV (neg + V))       O:n         M: ( Sub + Kl ter)
    'Do not go into the garden if there is death'.
The structure of the lingual expression above indicates a shaped terraced compound sentence.
4)    Catoro tumoor wale sa awean tou mate.
    D: (P : FV (neg + V)  (O:n))        M: ( Sub + Kl ter)
    'Do not build a house if there are people who died'.
Should not build a house if there is people who died
    The structure of the lingual expression above indicates a shaped terraced compound sentence.
5)    Catoro  make karaireidang sa mange am bale pinatean‘.
     D:  P : FV (neg + V)      (O:FN)              M: ( Sub + Kl ter)
    'Do not wear a red shirt when going to the funeral home'.
    The structure of the lingual expression above indicates a shaped terraced compound sentence.
6)    ‘Catoro makekes a awean am bale pinatean’(at the time the human corpse has not been buried).
    D: (P: FV (negatif + V))           M: ( Sub + Kl ter)
    'Do not laugh at the funeral home if there'
    The structure of the lingual expression above indicates a shaped terraced compound sentence.

III. The Meaning of Taboo

Understanding the grammatical meaning alone is not enough to be able to understand the meaning of an utterance. To understand the meaning of an utterance, one should also note the context of the speech or the site of the speech to understand the context of the utterance such as the place and time (Chaer, 2006:120).

a. Contextual Meanings
The contextual meaning is close to the situation. It is usually related to the context of the time and place of the language unit used. In different situations, context can cause the meaning of utterances to be different, and this diversity can usually be understood by both speaker and listener. For example, the sentence ‘catoro kuman nenas’, or translated 'Do not eat pineapple’, has different meanings depending on the context. If the sentence is addressed to a pregnant woman, then the sentence has meaningful restrictions because the local communities believe pregnant women eating pineapple would result in a miscarriage. However, if the sentence is spoken to a father, then the sentence has a different meaning because a father cannot have a miscarriage. This example shows that expressions used in different situations have different meanings.

b. Pragmatic Meaning

Pragmatic theory was based on the premises of Austin, (1968), Leech, (1983:176), and Lyons (1977b: 730). The meaning of taboo expressions refers to their theories because it involves spoken phrases as communicated speech. The meaning of an expression not only shows the meaning of words independently but additionally involves intent as expressed in the phrase: ‘Catoro kumesot ambale  esa minggu andior ampapaan sa kumaweng’.
'Not to be out of the house a week before the wedding' This is a narrative told by parents to the bride and groom. This speech is not only a locution but also includes the illocutionary act in giving advice. The locution additionally prompts the opponent to follow the advice. In fact, all taboo expressions are in the form of giving pragmatic advice.

IV. The Language Style Expression of Taboo

Style is a way of expressing thoughts through language that typically shows the spirit and personality of the author or the language user (Keraf, 2007).
In referring to Keraf’s theory’ works well this theory of style’, the language style of taboo expressions shapes the allusions of the Tountemboan society. Keraf (2007) states the stylistic allusions try to suggest similarities between people, objects or events.
Taboo expressions are delivered with style allusions like:
(1) ‘Catoro tumulung an dior ampaleng’.
'Should not be standing in front of the door'
The door is thought to be similar to the birth of the baby. Therefore, a pregnant woman is barred from standing in front of the door so that the pregnant woman's delivery goes smoothly.
(2) ‘Catoro wu’bu’an winalia’
‘Do not pierce bamboo’.
Bamboo is a place where people can store their drinking water; it is thought to represent infant genitalia. If bamboo is perforated by a mother who is pregnant, the baby will be a handy boy wet(pee).
(3) ‘Catoro makes in ropeang Kana’t.
 ‘Do not wrap the rope in the neck’.
Ropethat is wrapped around the neck is thought to represent the baby's umbilical cord. Therefore, mothers should not wrap ropes around their necks because the baby will be surrounded by a rope that could threaten his or her life.

V.The Reflection of Cultural Values​​ behind the Phrase Taboo

Foley (1997), states that language and culture have a very close relationship. What is seen in the culture will be reflected in the language or vice versa.
Because of this connection, the language used in the context of the cultural reality of a community is not only understood as a linguistic phenomenon but is also interpreted as a social and cultural phenomenon. Cultural meanings, according to Spradley (1979), can be found by utilizing the principles of usability and cognitive principles (see Chapter II, page 50).
There is also a reflection of cultural values ​​behind the Tountemboan taboo phrase stating:

1). Self-control and Carefulness

In order for lives to be in harmony with each other, there is a need for self-control. Self-control is built  by preparing for marriage using the advice of taboo expressions such as:
(1)    ‘Catoro kumesot ambale esa minggu andior ampapaan sa  kumaweng’.
‘Not allowed to go out of the house a week before wedding ceremony’.
(2)    ‘Catoro calepoksisincumaweng an endoicumaweng’.
‘Do not drop the ringat thewedding ceremony’.

(3)    ‘Catoro  kumesot  ambale  saaweantoumama’an’.
‘Not to be straightout of the houseifsomeone sneezesshouldwait a bit’.
(4)    ‘Catoro malelaus  kumesot ambale salumingaisopitmunteptoyo’.
'Not to be straightout of the houseifthe sound oflizard’.
(5)    ‘Catoro melo’losmayasakometo’opulawuringmeki pate mareng ambale’.
'There should proceedifsuddenlyconfrontedbya blacksnake, shouldreturn home’.

2). Morals, Ethicsand Manners

Morals, ethics and manners are guides for Tountemboan community members. Taboo phrase usage is one way to educate and advise members of the public to continue to comply with cultural institutions in order to live and to maintain a harmonious society.
The expressions used to reflect morals, ethics and manners among others include:
(1)    ‘Catoro mayak mewali-wali wo metimtimboyan engkama’.
‘Should not be walk together (men and women bride) with hand in hand’.
(2)    ‘Catoro   sumerok se tou’.
‘Not allowed to humiliate the other person’.
(3)    Catoro  matekol se mama‘.
‚ Not allowed to dispute a mother‘.

3). Solidarity

An integration of social solidarity can be interpreted as harmony between communities and togetherness to tackle problems in life in good and bad circumstances. Taboo phrases that reflect the value of solidarity include:
(1)    ‘Catoro  tumawoy sa awean pinatean’.
‚Not allowed to work if someone (nearby) is death‘.
(2)    ‘Catoro tumenge  in radio ka’paTVsaaweanpinatean’.
‘Not allowed to turn on the radio or TV if someone (nearby) in the village is death’.
(3)    ‘Catoro maya  anumasaaweaanpinatean’
‘Not allowed to go to the garden if someone in the village is death’.
(4)    ’Catoro tumoor wale saaweantou mate’.
'Not allowed establish/build a house if there is death (nearby)'.
(5)    ‘Catoro  make karaireidang sa mange am bale pinatean’.
'Not allowed to wear aredshirtwhengoingto the funeral home'.

The sentence above shows the reflection of cultural values ​​behind the taboo phrases that grow and thrive in the midst of the Tountemboan society. The phrases offer knowledge of the cultural values ​​that help a person survive in civic life, adapt, and become socially integrated.

VI. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION

a. Conclusion

Based on the results of our research and discussion, we can reach a few conclusions:
1).Based on the analysis, it was found that the structure of the lingual taboo phrases in the marriage, prenatal and death domains take the forms of: a) a single sentence form of a negative imperative sentence and, b) a compound multilevel negative imperative sentence.
2). Semantic analysis of the contextual meaning of taboo expressions indicates that they have meanings according to the context in which the speech was used. Pragmatic analysis shows that the use of a Tountemboan taboo expression provides information or advice by suggesting listeners do something that is expected by the speaker.
3).It was found that people use stylistic allusions to reveal taboo expressions to influence or to encourage someone to equate something with people, objects or events that the other people believe are true.
4). Tountemboan taboo expressions also express cultural values ​​on the matters of: a) self-control and cautiousness, b) moral, ethics, manners; and c) solidarity.

b. Suggestion

Based on the results of this research, there are still many things that require further study. It is therefore suggested that further research be conducted on the same subject with a different approach. Thus, these studies could contribute to the preservation of culture and enrich the power of Minahasan languages ​​and cultures in the archipelago.

Selected References
Austin, J.L. 1968. How to Do  Things Words. Oxford : Oxford University Press.
.______,  2006.  Leksikologi & Leksikografi Indonesia.  Jakarta:  P.T. Rineka Cipta.
Cook. S. J ;Walter A., 1971. Introduction to Tagmemik Analysis. London -New York- Sydney- Toronto :Holt.Rinehart and Winston Inc.
Djajasudarma, T. 2006. Metode Linguistik: Ancangan Metode Penelitian dan Kajian. Bandung : PT Rafika Aditama.
Foley.W.A. 1997. Anthropological Linguistic. An Introduction. Oxford Blackwell.
Keraf, G. 2007. Diksi dan Gaya Bahasa. Jakarta : PT  Gramedia
Kridalaksana, H.,2008. Kamus Linguistik. Jakarta : PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama.
Leech, G. 1983. The Principles of Pragmatics. London : Longman.  
Liliweri, A. 1994. Komunikasi Verbal dan Nonverbal. Bandung  : Citra Aditya  Bakti.
Lyons, 1977a. Semantics 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Palar,  H.B. & Anes, L. A. 1994. Minahasa. Sejarah dan Derap Langkahnya Menuju Kemerdekaan Indonesia. Manado : PT Tarsius Celebes.
Palar, W.R. 2003. Kategori AspeK dalam Bahasa Tountemboan. Tesis. Manado : Program Pascasarjana UNSRAT
Spradley J. 1979.  The Ethnographie Interview. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

The Word Formation Process OF THE Tombatu Language According TO Generative Morphology
(A Computational Linguistics Study)
By Nicolas Gosal (nicolasgsl@gmail.com )

Abstract

The purpose of this research is to identify, describe and analyze the form, function and meaning of the word-forming affixes of the Tombatu language, to find rules, and to develop a program that can trace the parsing of complex words in the Tombatu language.
This study uses descriptive taxonomy (Kridalaksana 2008, Subroto 2007). The research site was the Tombatu village, and the method of compiling data involved the techniques of tapping, participant observation, records and note taking (Sudaryanto 1993). The data analysis employed the methods of padan and agih (Sudaryanto (1993), compounding rules, derivation rules, inflection rules and harmonization Rules (Aronoff 1975/1985 and Scalise 1986).
The results showed that the Tombatu language has 126 affixes: 25 prefixes, 2 infixes, 4 suffixes, 3 clitics, 72 combinations of affixes, 6 double prefixes, 1 inflectional prefixes, 5 double prefix inflections,  1 infix inflection, 2 inflection suffixes, and 5 combination inflections. The computer programs used a parsing program to trace complex words and to identify the stem, root, base, and word.
Keywords: generative, morphology, Tombatu, language, computational

I. Introduction

Today, the Tombatu language (TL), one of the local languages ​​in Minahasa, is actively used only by older people over the age of 50 years (Hirabayashi et al., 2003), a situation that is certain to result in the extinction of this language. Therefore, it is necessary to study the morphology of TL in particular fields. In this study, the authors use the theory of generative morphology. Generative morphology aims to be able to formulate a pattern of word formation in a language, whether recognized or not, as the process of word formation in TL can be formed by multiple prefixes and multiple suffixes.
Generative grammar, as developed by Chomsky (1957, 1965), significantly contributed to the description of language. Generative grammar principles must exhibit generality, simplicity and adequacy; be explicit and inclusive; be able to sufficiently explain how to choose the best alternative; be capable of summarizing all aspects of language; be economical and consistent; and be able to summarize even small symbols of meaning.” The principle of this flow is generality, simplicity and adequacy, which is explicit, inclusive, there is sufficient reason to choose one of the better alternative, can summarize all aspects, economical and consistent, but the little symbols of meaning are summarized all.
In a previous study, Aronoff (1985) combined the work of scholars such as Halle and Jackendorff in his “Word Formation in Generative Grammar”.
In particular, morphological development in generative linguistics, in accordance with technological developments, provides enormous opportunities for linguists whose attention is devoted to using technology to describe language more quickly, accurately and efficiently; for instance, the morphology of perunutan TL can be explored using True Basic Computer Program, Visual Basic 6, or C + +. In this study, the authors use Bronse TB.
Computational linguistics is an interdisciplinary science that was born in the late 20th century, pioneered by the linguist Chomsky, who was known for his theory of generative grammar, and Turing in the field of computers, known for artificial intelligence.
The process of word formation may include an affix or several affixes (double affixes), which Katamba (1993) terms "multi-affixes" (Kridalaksana, 2008). The combination of affixes, namely, the affix-affix combination, has the form and grammatical meaning individually yet simultaneously affixed as the basic shape.

II. Problem Formulation

Based on the background, the research problem can be formulated as follows:
1. What are the form, function and meaning of the word-forming affixes in TL?
2. What is the process of word formation rules in TL?
3. How can one trace the complex TL?

III. Objectives of the Research

1. The objectives of the research include the following:
a. To identify, decrypt and analyze the form and function of the meaning of word-forming affixes in TL.
b. To find and describe the rules and process of word formation in TL.
c. To construct a parsing program that can trace a complex word.

IV The Process of Word Formation in TL

The following forms of the word-forming affixes in TL were found: 126 affixes, consisting of 25 prefixes, 2 infixes, 4 suffixes, 3 clitics, 72 combination affixes, 6 double prefixes, 1 prefix inflection, 5 double inflection prefixes, 1 infix inflection, 2 suffix inflections, and 5 combination inflections.

The forms of affixes in TL are described as follows:
 a). Prefix
The function and meaning of prefixes in TL are as follows:
(1)    / bɛ / X> [pref + [  ] x] y. [Bɛ-] + pref [x] v ]  v
         + / tawoi /> [bɛtawoi] ‘Work', 'done by'
(2)     / beha-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Bɛha-] + pref [x] v] v
           / + / kan /> [bɛhahan]  'eat', 'eaten'
(3)     / bɛwo-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Bɛwo-] pref + [x] v] v
          + / kan  / > [bɛwohan]  ‘eat’       ‘feed s.t refer to’
(4)     / bɛwa-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Bɛwa-] + pref [x] v] v
          + / tambal  /> [bɛwatambal]   'Lift ( used as a tool lifter) ‘carry’
(5)     / do-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Do-] + pref [x] a] n
+ / dali /> [dodali] 'flagship’   'reliable'
(6)     / i / X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [I -] + pref [x] v] v
/ tiho />   [itiho] ‘is caught’  ‘catch'
(7)     / ka / X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Ka-] + pref [x] num] num
          + / dua /> [Karua] 'two'       'second'
(8)    / Ko-/ X> [pref + [] x] y. [Co-] + pref [x] n] n
           + / Kaih /> [kohaih]  'paddle'    'tool paddle'
(9)    / Kawa-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Kawa-] + pref [x] v] adv
          + / lapang /> [kawalapaŋ] 'walk'        'odd walk'
 (10)    / MaN-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Man-] + pref [x] v] v
/ MaN-/ + / Ayaŋ /> [mayayaŋ] 'play',      'playing'
(11)     / mawa-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Mawa-] + pref [x] v] v
          + / tawoi /> [mawatawoi]  'work'      'put to work’
 (12)     / mɛwɛ-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Mɛwɛ-] + pref [x] v] v
          + / kan /> [mɛwɛhan]   'eat'      feed s.t refer to' or ‘feed to’
 (13)    / mewe-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Mewe-] + pref [x] n] n
          + / tuah />    [mǝwǝnuah] ‘fermented palm wine','taking palm wine' / ‘jobs'
 (14)    / mo-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Mo-] + pref [x] v] a
             + / tawoi /> [moŧawoi]  'work'      'like work'
 (15)    / moro-/ X> [pref +  [ ] x] y. [Moro-] + pref [x] v] adv
          + / kan /> [morohan]  ‘eat’ 'eating is everywhere'
 (16)    / maha / X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [maha-] + pref + [x] v] a
          + / tiho /> [mahatiho]  'catch'    'can catch'
 (17)    / manga / X> [pref +  [ ] x] y. [Bɛ-] + pref [x] n] n (plural)
          + / Kedong / [maŋahe'doŋ]  'kid',‘the kids'
 (18)    / so-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [So-] + pref [x] v] n
          + / Sahul /> [sosahul]  'spear'    'lance tool'
 (19)    / ta / X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Ta-] + pref [x] n, v] n
           / + / imun   />  [taimun]  'remember'  'reminder'
 (20)    / tapa / X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Ta-] pref + [x] v] n
          + / luku  /> [tapaluku]  'drink'      'drinkers'
 (21)    / Tapə / X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Tapə-]  pref + [x] v] n
          + / tawoi /> [tapənawoi]   'work'      'workers’ / ‘mystic healer'
 (22)    / To-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [To-]  pref + [x] v] n
          / taka / > [totaka]   'hold'   'handle'
 (23)    /tapo- / X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Tapo-]  pref + [x] adv, v] n
          + / lenggo /> [tapolɛŋgo ˀ]  'crooked',   'bending'
 (24)    / wawa-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Wawa-]  pref + [x] a, v] v
          + / talo /> [wawatalo]  'fear',     'frighten'
 (25)    / Woro-/ X> [pref + [ ] x] y. [Woro-]  pref + [x] v] v
          + / sisir / [worosisir]  'select'  'select every way'

b). Infix
An infix morpheme is inserted or pasted in the center of the root morpheme. TL infix forms include /-in-/ and /-um-/:
(1)     /-in-/ X> C inf Y. [-] Inf + [X] v (passive)
          + / pakur / [pinakur] 'hit’      ‘was hit (in the head)’
 (2)     /-um-/ - / X> C inf Y. [-] Inf + [X] v (will)
+ / tiho / [tumiho ˀ]  'catch’  'will catch'

c). Suffix
Suffixes are bound morphemes that are attached to or placed behind the base morpheme. The TL suffix forms are as follows: / / indicates /-әn / and /-on / as imperative verb-forming suffixes; /-em, om / meaning ‘have’ or ‘only’; /-pɛ?, Wɛ / meaning 'still'; and / io? / meaning 'very'.
(1)     /-an / X> X suf. [- ]x  Suf y]y. [- ] Suf + [X] v] n
            + / bɛlɛt / [bɛlɛtan]  'lie down'  lie down in the place'
 (2)     /-ǝn / X> X suf. [-] Suf x + y] y. [-] Suf + [X] v] v
+ / susut /               [susutən] 'close/near'        'approach s.t refer to or s.o refer to'
 (3)     /-om / X> X suf. [-] Suf x + y] y. [-] Suf + [X] a] adv
             + / bako / [bako'om]  'big'      'enlarge'
 (4)     /-on / + / bako / [bako'on] ‘big’  ‘enlarge’

d). Clitic
/-əm / [-] klitik + [X] adv, v] adv / v TL suffixes are included in clitics, such as the following:
(1)     /-әm / + / lekew / [lǝkǝwǝm]  'Complete', 'complete' / 'be complete'
(2)     /-io / [-] klitik + [X] adv] adv
            + / dɛkang /      [dɛkaŋio]  'far (distant)’ ‘so far’
(3)     /-pɛ ˀ / [-] klitik + [X] adv] adv
           + / Dekang /     [dɛkaŋwɛ ˀ],  ‘far (distant)’ 'still a long way'

e). Combination Affixes
The following are the formation rules:
WFR: X -> [[C Infy Infx Yw] y # Sufz] z X ->  Pre X Suf, X represents the stem, roots, base and words.
“The shape is shown in square brackets”:
a). X -> [Prex +  [ ]] x # Sufy]y
(1)     /-an-әm /    + / tanga /> [taŋa'anǝm]  'heard'   'command immediately listen'
(2)     /-an-em-io /  + [tanga]> [taŋaanemio ˀ]  'heard'     ' listen to command' or ‘listen to command’
(3)     /-be-um-an / + / lumad /> [bɛluma ˀ and]   'cruising'  'the place moved ' or ‘crowling’
(4)     / be-em /  + / lohat /> [bεlohatəm]  'exfoliate'  ‘'have exfoliated'
(5)     / beha-em-io /   + /Wasur /  [bεhawasurǝmio ']  'flounder' ‘was indeed lying'
(6)     / be-wawa-em /  + / leot  />  [bewawaleotem] 'through'  'has passed'
(7)     / be-wawa-pe /  + / tared />      [bewawataredpe ']   ‘separate’    'already separated first’
(8)     / be-wawa-io / + / teteng / > [bewawateteŋio]   'carry on one’s head'    'indeed to carry on one’s head'
(9)     / be-woro-em /  + / tulud /    > [beworotulu'dem]  ‘push’           'has been pushed everywhere'
(10)     / be-Woro-io /  + / pilah /> [beworowilahio]  'see'      'to indeed see anyone'
(11)     / be-Woro-en /  + / tiho /  >   [beworotihoen]  'catch'    'has anyone  catch it?' or ‘has been caught’
(12)     / bɛwo - ǝm /     + / Bulah /> [bɛwo'bulahǝm]  'serve'      ‘has served’
(13)     / bεwo-pε /  + / moha /> [bɛwo'mohapɛ '] ‘talk’        'have just been talking'
(14)     / bεwo-io /  + / busahi /> [bɛwo'busahio] ‘throw’    'has just been throw away'
(15)     / do--an /  + / dano /> [doranoan] ‘bathe’    'bathing place'
(16)     / en - em /  + / gu'un /> [gu'unenem]  'sales'      ‘sales only'
(17)     / i-әm /  + / wirit />      [iwiritǝm]  ‘aim’           ‘take aim’
(18)     / i-io /  + / tawoi /> [itawoiio]  ‘work’ 'is done'
(19)     / i-wa-pe / + / sake />    [iwasakɛwɛ]  ‘hold’     'hold first'
(20)     / i-wa-io /  + / kua />     [iwakuamio]  'word'      'was delivered'
(21)     / i-wawa-em /  + / Suang /> [iwawasuaŋem]  'fill'         'soon to be filled in'
(22)     / i-wawa-io /   + / tawoi /> [iwawatawoiio ']  'work'      ' has been worked’
(23)     / in-an-pe /  + / taka /> [tinakaanpe]  'hold'   'recently held'
(24)     / in-an-pe-io /  + / tiang /> [tiniangaypeio]   'call'     'was recently called'
(25)     / i-wawa-pe / + / paso /> [iwawawosowe ']   ’hot'      'preheated'
(26)     / i-moro-em /  +   / karit />   [imoroharitem]  'scratch'   'already scratched everywhere'
(27)     / I-moro-pe /  + / tiho /> [imorotiho'pe]  'capture' 'still catch everywhere'
(28)     / in - em / + / tawoi /> [tinawoiem]  'work'      'has been done'
(29)     / i-wa-em /  + / tawoi /> [iwatawoiem] 'work'     'employed only'
(30)     / i - pe /  + / tawoi /> [itawoipe] 'work'    'employed first’
(31)     / i-we-an /  + / tena /> ​​[iwətənaan]  'fit'      'be suitable'
(32)     /-in-an /  + / kawow /> [kinawowan]   'Stink'        'smell'
(33)     / i-um-am /  + / tanga /> [itumaŋaam]  'heard'    'is listening'
(34)     /-in-- um-/ + / Saol /> [isumaol] 'replace'  'which replaces'
(35)     / ka--in /   + / Kahi /> [kahahi ˀ in]  'happy', 'excitement'
(36)     / ke - -an / + / Kolano /> [kəholanoan]  'king'      'kingdom'
(37)     / ko - -an / + / beles /> [kobələsan] 'dear',     'beloved'
(38)     / ko--en /   + / litud /> [kolitudən]  'ready'     'readiness'
(39)     / ko--ai /    + / tutus /> [kotutusai]   'perish'   'destruction
(40)     / kawa-an /   + / tawoi / [kawatawoian]   'work',    'how that can be done'
(41)     / ka-an /   + / tawoi /> [katawoian]  'work'    'can be done'
(42)     / ma-em / + / tawoi /> [matawoiem]  'work'     'has been at work'
(43)     / mo-pe /  + / tawoi /> [motawoiwe]  'work'     'odd jobs first'
(44)     / mo-io /   + / kan /> / mohanio /  'eat'       'is a bite to eat'
(45)     / moro - em / + / tiho /> [morotihoem]   'capture'   'already caught everywhere'
(46)     / ma-pe /  + / tu'un />      [matu'unwe]  'cooked rice'     'cooking first'
(47)    / ma-io / + / pe'ang /> [mapɛaŋio ']  'bring',     'brought'
(48)     / mә-om /  + / Dororo '/> [mǝdororo'om] 'hidden', ‘hide together’
(49)     / mә-pe /   + / kahilalai /> [mǝkahilalaipɛ ']  'know'     'still know each other'
(50)     / mo-in-em /  + / namem  /  >  [moninamemem]  ‘farming’         ‘have fished’
(51)     / moro - pe / + / edeb /> [moroedebwe]   'slice'   'wring first'
(52)     / moro - io / + / dahum /> [morodahumio]  ‘sewing’ ‘did sew everywhere'
(53)     / ma-um /   + / lutu /  > [malutuum]   'rip'          'is ripped’
(54)     / manga - an /  + / lenggo /> [maŋawolɛŋgoan] 'crooked'  'places curved'
(55)     / mape -an / + / taan /> [mapetaanan]  'asked'      ‘inquire of each other’
(56)     / ma-an / + / tai /     > [mataian]  'close'     'adjacent'
(57)     / me-em/  + / tawoi / > [metawoiem]   'work'    ‘already at work'
(58)     / me-om / + / bako / > [mebakoom]   'big'     ‘has become a major’
(59)     / pah-an /  + / kan /> [pakanan]  'eat'    'where to eat'
(60)     / pah-on /  + / sondo /> [pasondo'on]   ‘wait’     'which is being awaited'
(61)     / pah-en / + / tambal /   >  [patambalən]  'lift'              ‘raised’
(62)     / pewe - an /  + / tiho /> [pəwənihoan]   'capture'  'where to catch'
(63)     / pewe-en /   + / kan /> [pəwəŋanən]   'eat'     ‘which is used as food’
(64)     / po-an /  + /  sake /> [poŋakɛan]  'up'       'place up'
(65)     / pah- -in -an/ + / indo /> [pinahindoan] 'agree'     'approval'
(66)     / pah - om /   + / tiho/  >   [patiho'om]   'capture'  'already being captured'
(67)     / paha - en /   + / pulut /  >  [pahawulutən]  'collection'   'to collect all'
(68)     / pah-en-ange  + / pilah  /   > [papilahenange] 'see/watch'  'please guard’
(69)     / pah –in - ange / + / tawoi /> [pinatawoiange]  'work'    'just worked'
(70)     / um-pe-io /  + / tawoi / [tumawoiwemio] ‘work’  'Recently worked' or ‘Recent work’
(71)     / wa-an /   + / epa /> [wahəpa an ˀ]  'store'    ' store location'
(72)     / um-em /  + / pilah /  > [pumilahem]  'looking'  'start looking'

f). Double Prefixes

   There are also double prefixes in the form of verbs: / i-wawa-, be-Woro-, i-moro-, be-wawa
WFR: X -> [[Pre [Pre] x Double prefix TL: i-wawa, be-Woro, i-moro, be-wawa
(1)     / i-wawa-/ + / tia '/    >  [iwawatia'] ‘throw away, inflicted’  'inflicted intentionally’
(2)    / be-Woro /  + / sura'bud /   >  [beworosura'bud]  'scattering' 'scattered everywhere'
(3)     / i-moro-/  + / kan /> [imorohan] eat’    ‘have eaten everywhere'
(4)     / bɛ-wawa-/ + / buha /> [bɛwawawuha ˀ]  'open'      ‘accidentally opened'
(5)    / i-wa-/ + / kele'b /> [iwakǝlǝ'b] ‘fly’        'flown'
(6)     / i-wo-/ + / tawoi /> [iwotawoi]  'work'     'employed at many places’

g). Inflection
The TL as shaped the inflection prefix / i-/ as a meaningful imperative (to be done). Infix /-um-/ means 'will'; suffix /-en / is a meaningful imperative; and /-an-/ indicates a meaningful place. The combination affixes / i-pah / and / i-pawa/ refer to information; / be-pah-i /, / Pah-in-an /, and / im-paha / indicate a meaningful imperative; and / im-maha/ and /-in - an / refer to meaningful information.
(a) Inflection Prefix in TL
1)     / i-/ + / ehe /> [iehe] 'give'   'be given'

(b) Infix Inflection in TL
1)     /-um-/ + / lapang /> [lumapaŋ] 'running'  'will run'
(c) Suffix Inflection in TL
1)     /-ən / / Kakas / +-әn> [kakasәn] ‘sweep’         'sweep’
2)     /-an / / Injo / + (-an)> [injoan] ‘take’                'take it'
(d) Double Prefix Inflections in TL
1)     / i - wa / + / usәb /> [iwahuseb] ‘planting'   'planted'
2)     / i-wawa /  + / talo /> [iwawaŧalo]  'fear'    'be afraid'
3)    / i-pah/ + / tiho /> [iwatiho]  'capture'  'as a tool captures'
4)     / i-paha/  + / usәb /> [iwahauseb]  ‘planting’ ‘plant all'
5)     / i-maha/  + / usәb /> [imahausәb]  'planting'  'have finished planting'
(e) The Combination of TL Inflection Affixes
1)     / be-wa-i / + / kapet /> [bewahihapeŧ]  ‘up’      ‘told to raise’              
2)     / pah-in-an /  + / dano /> [pahiranoan]   'bath'        'told to bath'
3)     / i-pah-pah / + /tawoi/ > [iwawatawoi] ‘work’    ‘employed ’
4)     /-in-an / + / porog /> [pinaworogan]  'cut',       'cut off by mistake'
5)     / be-pah-i / +  /luku/  > [bɛwahiluku]  ‘drink’     ‘told to drink’      
(f) Compounding in the Tombatu Language
The structure of word formation through the combination process (compositum) based on the compounding rules (CR):
1)     CR: [ ] X [ ] Y -> [[ ] X Q [ ] Y] Z, where Q is the internal boundary.
2)     BIC: [# [ ] X Q [ ] Y #] Z
The combination of the model structure is follows:
3)     [# [The word] X # # [Text] Y #] Y
4)     [# [The word] X # # [Stem] sY #] Y
5)     [# [Stem] sX # # [Text] Y #] Y
6)     [# [Stem] sX # # [Stem] sY #] Y
Compound Words in the Tombatu Language:
Noun + Adjective: Kedong matua> N + A 'old boy'
Noun + Adverb: Kedong kahadan> N + Ad 'youngest child'
Adverb + Adverb: Dekang ngio> Ad + Ad 'far away'
Noun + Noun: Tundu sising i> N + N 'ring finger'
Noun + Verb: Batata malosong> N + V 'sweet potato'
Adverb+ noun : Maha wata> Ad + N 'give birth'
Numeral + Numeral: Dua ngatus > + Num Num 'two hundred'

III. Conclusions and Suggestions

A. Conclusion

The results of the research can be concluded as follows:
1. The 126 TL affix forms consist of prefixes, infixes, suffixes, clitics, combination affixes, double prefixes, a prefix inflection, double prefix inflections, an infix inflection, suffix inflections, and inflection combinations. Among these affixes, 72 were determined to be the most productive affixes. The function and meaning of the affixes in TL vary according to the combination of affixes attached to a stem, root, base and word.
2. The rule indicates that [pre + [pre + [+ inf [SRBW suf +  suf + suf] can be extended to more complex structures into two types of formulas. The first formula can be elaborated with the infix feature, and the second formula can be elaborated with reduplication.
3. Affixes in TL are classified in the derivation, and inflection affixes can be formed with verbs, nouns, adjectives and adverbs through compositum and reduplication.
4. The Word Base Hypothesis should be expanded not only for words but also as a basis for the formation of stems, roots, and bases.

B. Suggestion

Based on the conclusions of this study, the following suggestions can be offered:
1. Affixes in the Tombatu language are unique and can thus be further studied by researchers who are interested in the field of linguistics, particularly generative morphology.
2. The Tombatu language contains highly productive affixes in the word formation process, but it is difficult to determine the word class to which multi-affixes belong and thus to explain the derivation process” or “but it is difficult to determine whether multi-affixes should be studied in a morphological or syntactic context.

Selected References
Aronoff Mark. 1985. Word Formation in Generative Grammar. The MIT Press, Cambridge Massachusetts
Chomsky, N. 1957,Syntactic Structures, 1965, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax  di dalam Selected Reading. Ed. Allen, J.P.B.  dan Paul van Buren. 1971. Oxford University Press. London
Hirabayashi T, Salea W, Kalangi F, Gosal N, Ondang J  . 2003. Code Selection of Tonsawang and Compilation of Tonsawang Glossary Minahasa North Sulawesi. Hasil penelitian, Nagasaki Prefectural University Japan and Sam Ratulangi University Manado Indonesia. Manado
Jackendoff, Ray. 1975. Morphological and Semantic Regularities in  the Lexicon. Language, 51, 639-671.
Katamba,  Francis, 1993 ; Morphology. The Macmillan Press Ltd. London
Kridalaksana, H. 2008. Kamus Linguistik, edisi  keempat . PT. Gramedia. Jakarta
-------------.2007. Pembentukan Kata dalam Bahasa Indonesia. PT.Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Jakarta
-------------.1986.Kelas Kata  dalam Bahasa Indonesia.  Gramedia . Jakarta
Scalise, Sergio. 1986.  Generative Morphology, Foris Publication. Dordrecht. Holland -  USA
Subroto E.2010.  Pengantar Metode Penelitian Linguistik Struktural. LPP dan UPT  (UNS Press). Surakarta.
Sudaryanto.1993. Metode dan Aneka Teknik AnalisisBahasa. Pengantar Penelitian Wahana Kebudayaan secara Linguistis.Duta Wacana University Press. Yokyakarta.
Turing, Alan M,  Encyclopædia Britannica. Ultimate Reference Suite(2008).  Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica.

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